The Gandhi-King Community

For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, Part-IV

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Gandhian Scholar

Gandhi Research Foundation Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail-dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net; dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

 

 

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, Part-IV

 

 

 Mahatma Gandhi loved Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru very much for his great contribution in freedom movement of India. Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “On receipt of your letter I sent you a wire advising postponement of publication. See what Nawabs M. I. Khan says. He feels hurt that you want publication. In the circumstances, it is best not to insist on publication till after my meeting with Jinnah. His reference to me also has the same meaning. It is no use publishing the correspondence if it increases bad blood. Don’t you think it is wise to wait?”131 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am getting restive about the talks with J. Are you hastening the matter? I am holding up some of my actions for that purpose. I hope good news continue to come about Indu.”132 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Here, is a copy of the brief notes I have jotted down of the 2 hours’ talks with Jinnah. It may be that you and the other members may not like the basis. Personally I see no escape from it. My handicap today is that I do not move about the country, as you do, and a still more serious handicap is the inner despondency that has overtaken me. I am carrying on, but it is galling to me to think that I have lost the self-confidence that I possessed only a month ago. I hope that this is but a temporary phase in my life. I have mentioned this to help you to examine the proposals on their merits. I do not suppose the first will present any difficulty. The second is novel, with all its implications. You will not hesitate summarily to reject it if it does not commend itself to you. In this matter you will have to give the lead. I expect to return on the 11th. Subhas in reply to my telegram suggesting that he should open formal negotiations with Jinnah telegraphs that he will be in Bombay on the 10th. I wish that you could also go there early. I am writing to Maulana Saheb in the same strain sending him a copy of this letter.”133

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “What is it in the new orientation of the Gandhi Seva Sangh that has disturbed you? I must own that I am responsible for it. I should like you to tell me unhesitatingly what has disturbed you. If I have erred, you know that I shall retrace my steps as soon as I discover the error. As to the general deterioration, I agree with you, though we may differ as to the weak spots. More when we meet.”134 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “How very business-like and prompt you are! I am so glad you were able to go into the Gurgaon D. C. C.’s affairs. I hope your advice will be accepted by both parties, as it should be. Today I have your letter about my notes of my talks with Jinnah. I think my second talk with him was inevitable. I hope it won’t do any harm. If you have time I would like you to give me a line about Jal after you have seen him. How I wish you will give yourself rest during your European tour and not rush as you have been doing here all the time.”135 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Owing to my limited energy, I have been obliged to repress my desire to write to you. I await your reply to my wire about Indu. I note your warning about federation. I discount the news, i. e., if it is more than a rumour. They won’t call it without first securing Congress consent. This they can’t get. Then about the Jews. I feel entirely like you. I boycott foreign goods, not foreign ability. And I feel keenly for the persecuted Jews. As a concrete proposal I suggest you’re collecting the names of the most deserving ones and making it plain to them that they must be prepared to throw in their lot with us and accept our standard of living.”136

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Kripalani sent me the other day copy of your letter to him in which you said you want some more definite expression of opinion than this that “Bapu was happy” to read your letter. I was in a hurry. Bapu was in substantial agreement with all that you had said and indeed he felt that you had amplified certain points in a way he would never be able to do. Will this do as a definite opinion? The enclosed will help to confirm what I have said.”137 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Just now I can only send you the letter you want me to write. If you approve, please forward. You will see my article in Harijan in which there is reference to Spain also. I hope Indu is rapidly progressing and Sarup is having the full benefit of the change. What a peace at the cost of honour! I wish I had time to write at length. Mahadev is staying behind for rest. I leave for the Frontier Province. Love to you three.”138

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I hope both you and Indu have benefited by the voyage. I am expecting you to be in Wardha about 20th. But of course you will come as early as you wish. You have tough problems awaiting solution.”139 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I do hope you had my note in Bombay. I could not take silence before 2 o’clock. I hope you will have a little quiet till then and enjoy it after the strenuous time in Bombay. Hope Indu is well.”140 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I knew that once you were in harness you won’t be master of your own time. I shall be satisfied with what I get.”141 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Maulana Saheb does not want the crown of thorns. If you want to try again please do. If you won’t or he won’t listen, Pattabhi seems to be the only choice.”142

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “After the election and the manner in which it was fought, I feel that I shall serve the country by absenting myself from the Congress at the forthcoming session. Moreover, my health is none too good. I would like you to help me. Please do not press me to attend. I hope the rest at Khali has done you and Indu good. Indu ought to write to me.”143 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I understand your analysis. Subhas wired saying he wants to come to Wardha. Let us see what happens. Of course I shall take no hasty decision. I am glad Sarup is coming soon. I am hoping that the quiet of Segaon will suit her.”144 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I understand your position about the conference and the W. C. I cannot think of causes without the persons who handle them. I wrote about postponement on the strength of what I had heard from Balwantrai Mehta. He is engrossed in the Kathiawar struggle. Achintram could not do without him. So I wired to you. I know nothing about the situation in Ludhiana. I am sorry about Sarup. I was looking forward to her passing a few days with me.”145

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Shaukat has just brought your note. The news you give me is astounding. I only hope that there is a misunderstanding. Did you get the name of the Congressman? I am inquiring. I hope Maulana Saheb is much better. Please give him my love and tell him I am anxious to see him. I shall do so as soon as I can safely leave.”146

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The events in U. P. disturb me. My solution is that you should become Prime Minister or dissolve the Ministry. You must get control over the unruly elements. I have had three days heart-to-heart conversations with the socialists who were here. Narendradev will report to you. If he does not of his own accord, you should make him.”147 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Who can help feeling distressed over the turn things are taking? Let us hope that the cloud would be soon lifted. The Rajkot Award is but one step towards the objective. I have still to watch the next step. However, I telephoned to Dr. Khan saheb today. He has promised to telephone and tell me if he wants me. I was agitated over the raids that have become a feature there. I have to see the Viceroy today. I might have to go Rajkot in connection with the committee. I take it that Krishna is also going. This means that you will be in Bombay on 15th?”148  

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Instead of guiding the Dhami people I have passed them on to you. I feel that you should discharge this burden without any interference from me. The idea in the States seems to be to isolate and ignore the Congress and hence the States Conference. I have already suggested in Harijan that no State Association or Mandal should act on its own without reference to your committee I should act, if at all, through you; i.e., when you refer to me, I should give my opinion as I do in respect of the Working Committee. I told the Gwalior people also likewise yesterday. You will have to reorganize your committee a bit, if it is to function properly. After all I could not go to Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah and his friends won’t tolerate the idea of my being State guest. Banking on my past experience, I had accepted State offer in anticipation of Sheikh Abdullah’s approval. But I saw that I was mistaken. I therefore cancelled the acceptance of the State hospitality and accepted the Sheikh’s. This embarrassed the State. So I cancelled the visit altogether. I was guilty of double stupidity in daring to think of going there without you and in not getting Sheikh’s permission before accepting the State offer. I had thought that I would serve the people by accepting the State offer. I must confess that I was not pleased with my contact [with] the Sheikh and his friends. They seemed to all of us to be most unreasonable. Khan Saheb reasoned with them. But it was to no purpose. Your visit to Ceylon was glorious. I don’t mind what the immediate outcome is. Saleh Tyabji asks me to send you to Burma and Andrews think of you in connection with South Africa. For Ceylon the idea of a Congress deputation came to me spontaneously, not so these two even after the promptings. But of these when we meet. I hope you are fresh and that Krishna is enjoying herself.”149

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I was half inclined to talk to you in the presence of the Working Committee about the Planning Committee. Shankerlal came this morning after his chat with you bringing with him copy of a letter written by him to Kripalani in the matter. I sympathized with him in his objection. I have never been able to understand or appreciate the labours of the Committee. I do not know that it is working within the four corners of the resolution creating the Committee. I do not know that the Working Committee is being kept informed of its doings. I have not understood the purpose of the numerous sub-committees. It has appeared to me that much money and labour are being wasted on an effort which will bring forth little or no fruit. These are my doubts. I seek light. I know your mind is in China. If you think Shah can express your mind, I shall try to learn from him. Or I shall wait till you return from your great mission. May God protect you and bring you safe to the motherland.”150 

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Here is my letter to Chiang Kai-shek. The letter became longer than I had wanted it to be. Perhaps it will be well to send a typed copy with the original. Mahadev went to Madras yesterday.”151 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have gone through the American thing. It is most expensive. In other respects, too, it does not attract me. I hope you have good news about Indu.”152 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I could see that though your affection and regard for me remain undiminished, differences in outlook between us are becoming most marked. Perhaps this is the most critical period in our history. I hold very strong views on the most important questions which occupy our attention. I know you too hold strong views on them but different from mine. Your mode of expression is different from mine. I am not sure that I carry the other members with me in the views that I hold very strongly. I cannot move about. I cannot come in direct touch with the masses, not even with the Congress workers. I feel that I must not lead if I cannot carry you all with me. There should be no divided counsels among the members of the Working Committee. I feel that you should take full charge and lead the country, leaving me free to voice my opinion. But if you all thought that I should observe complete silence, I should, I hope, find no difficulty in complying. If you think it worthwhile, you should come and discuss the whole thing.”153   

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “This is to send you a complaint from Meerut. Please inquire and write directly to the correspondent. I have told him I have passed the letter on to you.”154  Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Just after you had gone, Kripalani told me that in United Provinces there was great ferment and preparation for civil disobedience. He told me, too, that anonymous placards had been circulated asking people to cut wires and tear up rails. My own opinion is that there is at present no atmosphere for civil disobedience. If people take the law into their own hands I must give up command of civil disobedience movement. I would like you to read this week’s Harijan. It deals with my position in this connection. It was this that I had intended to discuss with you. But it was not to be. At this critical time in our history there should be no misunderstanding between us and, if possible, there should be one mind.”155 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have seen yours to Rajen Babu. Before I saw it I had written a note on it for Harijan, I must try to send you an advance copy. If you need me longer in Allahabad, you will keep me. The interested editing’s in London of our statements here doing not worry me. If I find time I shall write out a brief message for The News Chronicle. I have prepaid authority from that paper. More when we meet.”156

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The deliverance day has received a full-page advertisement in The Times of India. But in truth, it seems to have fallen flat everywhere. Have you read Fazlul Haq’s indictment? Should nothing be said or done about it? You have not sent me Kumarappa’s letters to which you had raised strong objection. He is here. I asked him and he says he sent nothing recently. Do please send me what you may have.”157   Mahatma Gandhi wrote,  “You said in indignant tones that Kumarappa was a worthless man. And this you did on the flimsiest testimony. I asked you for the correspondence and you said you had not it with you but would send it to me. Now I see you accepted the interpretation of others. My point is not that the interpretation was incorrect but that it was wrong to judge a co-worker on such hearsay. I suggest your securing the correspondence and sending it to me. Here with my letter to the Generalissimo. I have not released his to the Press. You will do so if you think it necessary.”158 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I know the possibility of misunderstandings. These and ignorant or interested criticism have never influenced me. I know that all would be well, if we are strong within. For the external affairs you are my guide. Your letter therefore helps me. You have made more than ample amends about Kumarappa. You will like to see his letter. You may destroy it after perusal. Yes, we have very few workers like him.”159   

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “They give me information which I do not get otherwise. I knew nothing of the pan-Islamic movement. It does not surprise me. You will have seen my statement on the interview. My method you know. I gain strength from these meetings. It is for you and other co-workers to see that the country gets the proper interpretation of what I do. I would like you not to worry about C. R. He is absolutely sound. Nevertheless I would like you to share your doubts with him. I leave for Santiniketan on 15th evening and thence on 19th for Malikanda.”160 Mahatma Gandhi wrote “Read the enclosed and guide me. I have told the writer that his suggestion attracts me and if I see my way clear I shall act up to it in part or wholly.”161 “The idea about Urdu is good. You shall have a review of the Urdu writings by Hindus and of Urdu periodicals and books. There should be an Urdu weekly giving a dispassionate reply to the lies. It is uphill work to overtake deliberate lies but it is worth trying.”162 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Maulana Saheb gave me the Hyderabad preliminary report. It makes fearful reading. There is nothing new in it for me. But one does not want confirmation of worst fears. I have been taxing myself about the remedy. I meet the workers tomorrow. If you have any thoughts pass them on to me.”163

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You will tell me more about Rajni Patel when we meet. Your letter about Napier, with enclosure, I am sending to the Viceroy. It is a pathetic case. I am over head and ears in work.”164

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “His four days’ ministry has been quite successful from my point of view. I am issuing a note which you will see. Professor2 telephoned saying you were ready. I have seen your statement too. I would still like to ask you whether you can see anything to commend itself to you in all I am writing and doing. I would not like you to go in merely as a disciplinarian. My present conception requires those who believe in the plan not in every detail but in the main.”165 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “If my statement has been allowed, you will have seen it before this. If you are ready, you may now ceremonially declare your civil disobedience. I would suggest your choosing a village for your audience. I do not suppose they will allow you to repeat your speech. They were not ready with their plans so far as Vinoba was concerned. But should they let you free I suggest your following the plan laid down for Vinoba. But if you feel otherwise, you will follow your own course. Only I would like you to give me your programme. You will fix your own date so as to leave me time for announcing the date and place. It may be that they won’t let you even fulfil your very first programme. I am prepared for every such step on the part of the Government. Whilst I would make use of every legitimate method seeking publicity for our programme, my reliance is on regulated thought producing its own effect. If this is hard for you to believe, I would ask you to suspend judgment and watch results. I know you will yourself be patient and ask our people on your side to do likewise. I know what strain you are bearing in giving me your loyalty. I prize it beyond measure. I hope it will be found to have been well-placed, for it is ‘do or die’. There is no turning back. Our case is invulnerable. There is no giving in. Only I must be allowed to go my way in demonstrating the power of non-violence when it is unadulterated. Maulana Saheb telephoned saying I should choose another man for the second Satyagraha. I told him I could not do so if you consented to come in. I would like your reaction to the step I have taken regarding Harijan.”166

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has been with me. I had invited him to be the next resister. He had consented. Your ordinance came after. And the fast idea possessed me. He has an open mind on the fast. But he thinks, and I have agreed with him, that the contemplated resistance by him should be completed before entertaining the idea of the fast. Therefore the very next step is to be his civil resistance. As soon as the date and place are finally decided, I shall let you have them for your information.”167 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had your messages about the hospital. Dr. Mehta has been to Allahabad and he is of opinion that it should be opened by me on 28th February. All things considered, I agree with him that I should open it and that too on 28th February at the earliest. If I go, the balance of the contemplated sum is likely to be collected and the hospital inaugurated without much anxiety as to the future. I know you will all be with us in spirit. I think we need not wait for Sarup and Indu. If you are permitted to wire your opinion, please do. I shall then go to Allahabad with a lighter heart.”168

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “It is nice to be able to write to you outside the jail. But the pleasure is only momentary for I cannot reconcile myself to these discharges. However, we meet this new menace. This is merely to tell you that I delayed answering your question as the rumour about your discharge was in the air. I have read your letters most carefully. I agree with your conclusions and I like the very generous manner in which you have treated the whole thing. I had one and only one chat with F. and he accepted my proposition that he would not think of marrying Indu without your consent and blessing. Indu wrote to J. that she was coming and seeing me too. Now that you are out and probably will be for a few days if not longer, you will shape this thing as you wish. I hope you have liked the recent statements issued by me. You will tell me when you are coming. Maulana telephoned today saying he proposed to come after two or three days. I propose to leave here on 9th for Bardoli for one month. Sardar wants me to give one month to Gujarat. He is under treatment, mostly dietetic. I have prescribed the diet. I think his pain is most bearable under that regime. So far as it is possible our talks and meetings should take place in Bardoli. The discharges are a challenge. I feel that we should hold the Working Committee, A. I. C. C. meetings as early as we can. But of this you and Maulana are the best judges. I am writing this against time.”169  

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am off to Bardoli tonight with Rajen Babu. Do come as early as you can. Maulana Saheb wires Working Committee is to be held on 18th at Bardoli. If he has not already issued notice I have suggested 23rd as I have heavy meetings on 17, 18, and 19. But I have left the decision to Maulana Saheb.”170 “I am glad Indu will be coming with you. There is no winter worth the name here. The nights are cool, the days hot. The questions we have to discuss are many. I trust you and Maulana Saheb will be here before the date of the Working Committee. I have heavy meetings of the A. I. S. A. and G. S. S. beginning from 17th. I expect to finish all on 20th. Sardar is bearing himself well.”171 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have just learnt that both you and Maulana Saheb have arrived. I had told M. S. that I would take silence at 2. When I said so I had forgotten that I had given an appointment to Prof. Copeland for 4.30 p.m. I could not cancel it. I took silence, therefore, at 5.25 p.m. I should be at your and his disposal after that time. I am sorry but I was helpless.”172

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Why should I not write to you too in the national language after my Kashi speech? I write to Sarup in the national language and to Ranjit in Gujarati. Why should I write to you in English? Here are the two letters. Pass them on if you approve of them. I shall send a telegram also to the Generalissimo. I am writing this letter at night after returning from the cremation ground so that it may be cleared in the morning. What should I write about Jamnalalji? Chandra Singh has settled down here. He is happy. He is learning khadi work on his own initiative. His wife cannot remain calm at the Vikasgriha. She writes letters to Chandra Singh. I have written to Mridu that she may send her when she likes. The office of the States’ People’s Conference is being shifted here. Should Jamnalalji’s death make any difference? The office can, of course, work here with the help of Amrit. But you have to think this over. Now it is getting late and I shall not write more.”173 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “What is to be done about the office of the States’ People’s Conference? And what about the journal? Pattabhi writes that he can publish the paper from Masulipatnam. His letter is enclosed. Dr. Menon is here. Balwantrai cannot take up the secretaryship. Nor can Jainarayan Vyas. Rangildas is available. Bapa does not like it. If the office is here, it can, of course, be kept going; but financial arrangements will have to be made.”174 

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I did not intend replying, nor do I want to do so now. I wish to remind you of the hot weather. The heat is severe. I am having a wet-pack on my head. Indu should not come this side during such heat. I would suggest that both of them should go to Khali or Kashmir. They should visit Sevagram and other places only after the rains. But if Indu has the courage to face the heat here, I shall, of course, be happy to meet the two. Khurshedbehn had written to you. She says you have written to her that you are awaiting an invitation from the Mahatma. Why do you need an invitation from me? It is always there for you. There was no special work for which I should put you to the trouble of coming here. I do not understand the implications of an “open city”, that is why I have said: “I must consult Jawaharlal before I say anything. I depend upon Jawaharlal in such matters.” We are meeting soon.”175

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Hope you will not find it difficult to read this letter. About Indu’s marriage, I hold the firm opinion that no one from outside need be invited. A few persons who are at Allahabad may, however, be called as witnesses. You can send invitation cards to as many people as you like. Ask for blessings from everybody but make it clear that no one in particular need take the trouble of coming. If one person is asked to come, others cannot be left out. It has to be considered whether or not Indu likes to go to this extent of simplicity. In case you too do not like to go so far, you can rule out my suggestion. I have seen your statement about Indu. I like it. I receive letters concerning her marriage every day. Some are horrid. I have destroyed all of them. In reply to all these, I have sent a note in Harijan, a copy of which I am sending herewith. The note was written on Monday. Since yesterday, letters from Muslims are pouring in, making Sarup the target of their attack. This will go on. I will do all that is possible for the Indian States. Funds will be a constant difficulty. Jamnalalji had taken all the responsibility upon himself; how he would have done it was not decided. I am now wondering how to raise the money. I am consulting Pattabhi about the paper. Balwantrai will not be able to come. That will not make much difference. We shall be getting help from here. When you come here, we shall talk over the matter. Menon is going to Bombay today to complete the work there. I saw Chiang Kai-shek’s statement. It was good. Your consent was received but I thought that there was no need now to make that letter public. The subject has become stale. Bhagirathi has come. It is rather difficult to keep Chandra Singh. He is very much given to indulgence; and she is very weak. He quarrels on petty matters. I will not be surprised if he beats up someone. I, however, find him hard-working. You need not worry. If you feel any difficulty in reading my letters, I will try to write more legibly. But it is our duty to start writing to each other in the national language. After some time we will find it easier to do so. The poor will be immensely benefited.”176   

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had promptly replied to your earlier letter. I hope you got it. Mukerji is a good and honest worker. He has some land. I had asked him. He said he did not seek charity. I have no doubt he will return the entire amount. He was prepared even to pay interest. We have given much aid to other workers. I am clearly of the view that we should lend Rs. 3,000 to Bhai Mukerji for six months.”177 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Khurshedbehn is very unhappy. She feels that your heart has dried up towards her. Send for her, give her some affection. You know she adores you. Today I woke up at two. I was thinking of you and Rajaji only. I am clearly of the view that we cannot accept this ‘offer’. If you also agree, then talk to Rajaji and reach a final decision. If you are inclined to agree with Rajaji then the matter deserves further consideration.”178 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The Professor is here. He has told me everything. I also heard about your Press interview. Whereas we have always had differences of opinion it appears to me that now we also differ in practice. What can Vallabhbhai and others do in such a situation? If your policy is accepted the Committee should not retain its present shape. The more I think of it the more I feel that you are making a mistake. I see no good in American troops entering India and in our resorting to guerrilla warfare. It is my duty to caution you.”179  

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “A letter from the Maulana arrived today. He writes that I have to go to Allahabad. How can I go? I had said even when I was there that I was not any fit for travel. And what shall I do by going there? I have the same one thing to offer and I have called three meetings here. One of them has been planned for a long time. I cannot miss any of them. You must therefore excuse me. Write to Maulana to spare me.”180 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Mirabehn agrees that I must take some step and that she will have to make a sacrifice. She wanted to go to Allahabad even if I did not go. I have therefore called her here. I am sending through her my views in the form of a resolution. Maulana Saheb has been urging me to go to Allahabad. I have told him I am helpless. I find travelling difficult these days. What is more, I have called three meetings for the same period. I have therefore asked Maulana Saheb to excuse me and told him that I shall be sending my views in the form of a resolution. I do not think it necessary to give arguments in support of the resolution. If you do not like my resolution I really cannot insist. The time has come when each of us must choose his own course. The behaviour of the Government in Feni and other places is simply intolerable. What will such a Government do even if it survives? And today it is only trying to save itself. I am now certain that if this Government goes we shall be well able to deal with Japan. It is another matter that after the Government is removed we may fight among ourselves. Even if that should be so, do we want to save ourselves from internal quarrels through the good offices of this Government? Acharya Narendra Dev has seen the resolution and liked it.”181

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You do need a little rest. Many people have given me reports of Indu’s work. She will become perfectly fit if she always maintains good health. They tell me also that Feroze too is doing good work. Everything possible is being done for Chandra Singh. Madhavi has got whooping cough. I visit her every day. Chandra Singh and Bhagirathi appear happy. They do not complain much about the heat now. The problem of Chandra Singh’s education is difficult. I am going to Bombay for eight days in connection with the Deenbandhu Memorial. I shall do whatever I can on my return. You should not worry. Maulana’s letters come regularly. He too is unwell. He writes to say that he will be coming to Wardha towards the end of this month. Perhaps you too will be coming along with him? Ba is well.”182 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “There is nothing from Maulana. In one letter he had said that he would be accompanying you here. Fischer has arrived. I do manage to give him an hour every day. He is staying at the Ashram. Hot winds are blowing here.”183

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have read the resolution. I note that you have tried to include some of my points. I do not desire any modification. But I do desire that, as far as possible, all of us should interpret the appeal in the same way. It will not be good if we speak in different voices. I stick to the hundred per cent support I gave you in what you said about yourself. I have thought over the matter a great deal and still feel that your capacity for service will increase if you withdraw. And to that extent you will find satisfaction. You may attend the Committee occasionally as I do or as Narendra Dev does. This will ensure your help being available and at the same time you’re fully retaining your freedom. This is my plea about Maulana Saheb. I find that the two of us have drifted apart. I do not understand him nor does he understand me. We are drifting apart on the Hindu-Muslim question as well as on other questions. I have also a suspicion that Maulana Saheb does not entirely approve of the proposed action. No one is at fault. We have to face the facts. Therefore I suggest that the Maulana should relinquish Presidentship but remain in the Committee, the Committee should elect an interim President and all should proceed unitedly. This great struggle cannot be conducted properly without unity and without a President who comes forth with a hundred per cent co-operation. Please show this letter to Maulana Saheb. At the moment it is intended for you two only. If you do not like either or both of my suggestions, you may reject them. My motive in writing this is only to help. Whether you approve of it or not, it should not cause any unpleasantness. The date and venue for the A.I.C.C. have not been indicated in your draft. As far as I am concerned, you are free to issue this appeal to the Press. It is not necessary to come here for a discussion of the resolution. But it has to be as Maulana Saheb orders.”184

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I come to Sir Firoz’s statement about Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and me. He should know that I have called the Pandit my successor. He does not need to come to the front. He is in the front. The Government of India would not let him work as he would. He and I are friends. But we are no rivals. We are both servants of the people and the platform of service is as big as the world. It is never overcrowded. On it, there is always room for more, and as on the point of independence we have no differences, we are always brothers in arms. He has undoubtedly the advantage of youth over me.”185 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “There are several names in the Kasturba Memorial Trust. When the Trust was formed, I had expressed a desire that your name and Sardar’s should be included. All the Trustees were agreeable that the names of you two should be included when you were released. I had forgotten to consult you. It occurred to me this morning. Will you agree to be on the Trust? It means working for women and children in the villages and that too in my way. If you can take interest in this, I can send you the papers for your perusal. I have said the same thing to Sardar. He is considering it. I have told him that this is no matter for honour. It is a matter for work. The same is true about the propagation of Hindustani. I am very keen on having your name for it if you are agreeable. I shall send you the papers if you like, for your perusal about this too. I am scared of placing any more burden on your head as you are already overburdened. But what can I do?”186  

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I know a little bit about the Kashmir branch of the Charkha Sangh. I do not know why the dispensary has been closed down. It is just as well that you wrote to me. I have sent a copy of the letter to Jaju. I am on my way to Bombay. From there I shall go to Poona taking Sardar with me. I cannot say how long I shall be staying there. I shall write again when I hear from Jajuji. The Kashmir trip was bound to do you good. What was the attack on Maulana Saheb?”187 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Menon’s information is correct. Sardar has read that letter. Let us see what happens. You have done a lot of work in the Frontier and other places. Sardar cannot leave Poona on the 12th. He cannot leave Poona for another four weeks if he is to give a fair trial to Dinshaw and his treatment. The climate here also suits him but he has not shown much improvement. His court is always full.”188

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have long been intending to write to you but can do so only today. I have also been wondering whether I should write in English or Hindustani. In the end I have decided to write in Hindustani. I take first the sharp difference of opinion that has arisen between us. If such a difference really exists people should also know about it, for the work of swaraj will suffer if they are kept in the dark. I have said that I fully stand by the kind of governance which I have described in Hind Swaraj. It is not just a way of speaking. My experience has confirmed the truth of what I wrote in 1909. If I were the only one left who believed in it, I would not be sorry. I have not Hind Swaraj in front of me. It is better that I redraw the picture today in my own language. Then it would not matter to me whether or not the picture tallies with that of 1909, nor should it to you. I do not have to establish what I had said before. What is worth knowing is only what I have to say today. I believe that if India, and through India the world, is to achieve real freedom, then sooner or later we shall have to go and live in the villages in huts, not in palaces. Millions of people can never live in cities and palaces in comfort and peace. Nor can they do so by killing one another, that is, by resorting to violence and untruth. I have not the slightest doubt that, but for the pair, truth and non-violence, mankind will be doomed. We can have the vision of that truth and non-violence only in the simplicity of the villages. That simplicity resides in the spinning-wheel and what is implied by the spinning wheel. It does not frighten me at all that the world seems to be going in the opposite direction. For the matter of that, when the moth approaches its doom it whirls round faster and faster till it is burnt up. It is possible that India will not be able to escape this moth-like circling. It is my duty to try, till my last breath, to save India and through it the world from such a fate. The sum and substance of what I want to say is that the individual person should have control over the things that are necessary for the sustenance of life. If he cannot have such control the individual cannot survive. Ultimately, the world is made up only of individuals. If there were no drops there would be no ocean. This is only a rough and ready statement. There is nothing new in this. But even in Hind Swaraj I have not said all this. While I appreciate modern thought, I find that an ancient thing, considered in the light of this thought looks so sweet. You will not be able to understand me if you think that I am talking about the villages of today. My ideal village still exists only in my imagination. After all every human being lives in the world of his own imagination. In this village of my dreams the villager will not be dull he will be all awareness. He will not live like an animal in filth and darkness. Men and women will live in freedom, prepared to face the whole world. There will be no plague, no cholera and no smallpox. Nobody will be allowed to be idle or to wallow in luxury. Everyone will have to do body labour. Granting all this, I can still envisage a number of things that will have to be organized on a large scale. Perhaps there will even be railways and also post and telegraph offices. I do not know what things there will be or will not be. Nor am I bothered about it. If I can make sure of the essential thing, other things will follow in due course. But if I give up the essential thing, I give up everything. The other day, at the final day’s meeting of the Working Committee, we had taken a decision to the effect that the Working Committee would meet for two or three days to work out this very thing. I shall be happy if it meets. But even if it does not meet, I want that we two should understand each other fully. Our bond is not merely political. It is much deeper. I have no measure to fathom that depth. This bond can never be broken. I therefore want that we should understand each other thoroughly in politics as well. The second reason is that neither of us considers himself as worthless. We both live only for India’s freedom, and will be happy to die too for that freedom. We do not care for praise from any quarter. Praise or abuse is the same to us. They have no place in the mission of service. Though I aspire to live up to 125 years rendering service, I am nevertheless an old man, while you are comparatively young. That is why I have said that you are my heir. It is only proper that I should at least understand my heir and my heir in turn should understand me. I shall then be at peace. I had written to you about Kasturba Trust and Hindustani. You had said you would write after thinking things over. I find that your name is already figuring in the Hindustani Sabha. Nanavati reminded me that he had approached you and Maulana Saheb and that you had appended your signature. That was in 1942. That was long ago. You know where Hindustani stands today. If you still stand by that signature, I wish to get some work out of you in this regard. It will not involve much running about, but some work will be called for. The work of Kasturba Memorial Trust is rather complicated. I realize that if what I have said above is going to irk you or is irking you, you will not feel comfortable even in the Kasturba Trust. The last point concerns the sparks that are flying about in the conflict with Sarat Babu. I have been pained by the episode. I have been unable to trace it to its root. If what you have told me is all there is to it and nothing more remains to be said, then I do not have to inquire further. But if an explanation seems necessary, I very much want to hear it. If we have to meet to thrash out all these matters, then we should find time for a meeting. You are working very hard. I trust you are in good health and Indu is well.”189

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I was very happy with our talks yesterday. We could not have discussed more yesterday and it is my view that we shall not be able to finish our work at a single sitting. We must meet from time to time. I am so made that if I had the strength to travel about, I would seek you out, stay with you for a day or two, have some talk and then leave. Though I am not in a position to do that now, you may know I have done such things before. I want that people should know us as we know each other. If in the end we find that our paths are different, then so be it. Our hearts will still remain one, for they are one. The talks we had yesterday have given me the impression that there is not much difference in our outlook or the way we understand things. I went to tell you how I have understood you. If there is any difference you will let me know. (1) The crucial question according to you is how to ensure man’s mental, economic, political and moral development. That is my position too. (2) And in doing so every individual should have equal right and opportunity. (3) From this point of view there should be equality between villages and cities. And therefore their food and drink, their way of life, their dress and their habits should be the same. If such a condition is to be brought about people should produce their own cloth and food and build their own houses. So also they should produce their own water and electricity. (4) Man is not born to live in the jungle; he is born to live in society. If we are to make sure that one person does not ride on others back, the unit should be an ideal village or a social group which will be self-sufficient, but the members of which will be interdependent. This conception will bring about a change in human relationship all over the world. If I have understood you correctly up to here, I shall take up the second part. I have had Rajkumari translate the letter which I wrote to you earlier. I am getting this also translated and will send the translation along with this. I serve two purposes be getting the letters translated. First I can explain to you more clearly in English what I want to say and secondly I shall be able to know better whether I have understood you fully or not.”190

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “He might have met me in South Africa, but I do not remember. I have written to him that he has made a tall claim in his address. He seems to be a crazy man. I could find time only now to read what you said before the students in Bihar. I liked it very much. You need a little rest. It would indeed be good if you could snatch it. I had told Rajkumari to write to you about the Communists. Today I find a totally different thing in the newspapers. A clipping is attached herewith. What is this? Can you throw some light?”191 Mahatma Gandhi wrote,  “Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has very aptly remarked that at one time India was not lacking in the inventive spirit but today it has become dormant. Once one gets the scientific outlook it will be reflected in every act of his, in his eating, drinking, rest, sleep. Everything will be scientifically regulated and with a full appreciation of its why and wherefore. Finally, a scientific mind must have detachment or else it will and itself into the lunatic asylum. The Upanishad says that whatever there is in this universe is from Him. It belongs to Him and must be surrendered to Him and then enjoyed. Enjoyment and sorrow, success and failure will then be the same to you.”192  Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Its needs must be paramount for you and me. Remember also that your honour is ours and your obedience to the Congress call automatically transfers to it the duty of guarding your honour. The Committee is also solicitous equally with you about Sheikh Abdullah’s case and the welfare of the Kashmir people. Therefore I expect you to return in answer to this. You will tell Maharaja Saheb that as soon as you are freed by the Congress you will return to Kashmir to retrieve your honour and fulfil your mission.”193

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have gone through what Munshi showed me, though I did not have the time to examine it closely. He came today after 4 o’clock and will be going back tomorrow morning. I had a long talk with him about grouping. He will explain things to you. I have advised him to consult other lawyers as well. What he has prepared after seven days’ labours may not be placed before the Committee just yet. Once it goes before the Committee, it will become public. I do not see the need of making it public so soon. Your statement as published in the papers does not sound good. If it is correctly reported, some explanation is needed. It must be admitted that we have to work within the limits of the State Paper. It is clear in Maulana’s letters. We have given it our own interpretation. But if the Federal Court gives a different interpretation, we shall have to be firm. I think it necessary to say this clearly. If we do not admit even this much, we will be doing nothing and Jinnah Saheb’s accusation will prove true. Fischer and Jayaprakash have come here today. They too will return tomorrow.”194

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “We never have a moment to ourselves. I do not ask for it. You never have any time to spare. Nor do I have any. So a good many matters remain untouched. I have before me your letter of the 20th. It came to me yesterday via Wardha. It dwells on the question of who should be the Congress President in view of the fact that you will be the Prime Minister. You incline in favour of Maulana Saheb. This I do not understand and cannot understand. In my view, Maulana Saheb should not accept nomination. Maulana Saheb hesitates to accept minister ship. The responsibilities of the President, especially in the present juncture, are I feel arduous. But in my view it is not the only reason why he should not be president. I cannot accept, too, that other than Maulana Saheb, Sardar Patel and Rajendra Babu, no suitable person can be found. I cannot definitely say who else will be suitable because I am not any more in very close with the Congress organization. It is also a question as to who should be the President of the Constituent Assembly. I shall not write anything more about it now, because it is not certain whether the Constituent Assembly will meet. Once the Working Committee meeting is over I do not think it is necessary for me to stay on here or at Mussoorie. This hardly needs to be discussed at the Working Committee. Please consider and tell me what I should do. I shall do as you say.”195

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Dr. Shaukatullah Ansari, who was here yesterday, tells me that your health is deteriorating and that there is fear of a nervous breakdown. People say that you keep working till past midnight. I am certain this is not at all good. For the work ahead of you, you need great care. This becomes impossible if you overstrain your mental resources.”196 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The events in Bihar have distressed me. I can clearly see my duty. My bonds with Bihar are close. I cannot forget it. If half of what I hear is true, it means that Bihar has lost all humanity. To say that goondas were responsible for whatever happened there would be quite untrue. Although I have tried hard to avoid the fast, I shall not be able to do so. It is the seventh day today since I gave up milk and cereals. The cough and the boils were responsible for it, but also I was tired of the body. Then Bihar made matters worse. And the cry came from within: ‘Why should you be a witness to this slaughter? If your word, which is as clear as daylight, is not heeded, your work is over. Why do you not die? Such reasoning has forced me to resort to fasting. I want to issue a statement that if in Bihar and other provinces slaughter is not stopped, I must end my life by fasting. The letter Mohammed Yunus wrote to Shamsuddin is with Sardar Baldev Singh. See it. Is what it says correct? It is our duty to give full report of what happened. My low diet will continue. There may be delay in undertaking the fast. In Delhi you had asked me about the fast. I had said I had no idea then. Now the situation is not the same. Still you may say what you want to say. If it appeals to me I shall give up the idea of a fast. What I hope is that, knowing my nature, you will appreciate my position. Whatever the issue, I shall advise that all of you continue to do your work. Do not waste time thinking of my death. Leave me in the hands of God and stop worrying. You can show this letter to the Bihar Cabinet. Is this the Bihar of Brijkishore Prasad?”197

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have yours of the 20th instant about Shri Bhargava’s offer from Katni. The gentleman wrote to me probably at the same time that he wrote to you and I replied promptly. I cannot lay my hands on a copy of what I wrote. But the purport was that there would be no ladies willing to go so far. I think I told him also that I did not like his laying stress upon Hindus. In my wandering I did not find that there is any inclination on the part of the sufferers to go out of Bengal. Nor do I think it wise. For it they cannot, out of fright, return to their village homes, they will all be accommodated in other parts of Bengal. A large number are already in Assam. Some have gone to Bihar because there is a large Bengali settlement there. My own effort is to send them to their villages, to make them shed all fear and to dissuade them from forsaking their ancestral homes. Nevertheless, if there are any who would like to go to Katni, of which there seems to be no likelihood, I would of course bear Shri Bhargava’s offer in mind.”198

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Today being silence day I am writing this. But it will be typed for your easy reading. I have read Attlee’s speech. Lest I might embarrass you by an untoward word or phrase I am not saying anything just now. Evidently I had anticipated practically the whole of it in my speeches here, i. e., if I am interpreting the speech correctly. My interpretation is this: Independence will be recognized of those parts which desired it and will do without British protection. The British will remain where they are wanted. This may lead to Pakistan for those provinces or portions which may want it. No one will be forced one way or the other. The Congress provinces if they are wise will get what they want. Much will depend upon what the Constituent Assembly will do and what you as the Interim Government are able to do. If the British Government is and are able to remain sincere the declaration is good. Otherwise it is dangerous. He has been to Bihar and has produced a report which somewhat reflects upon the Sinha Ministry. You should see him and his report. It has gone to Suhrawardy and Sinha under my advice. He and Sardar Jiwan Singh have not hit it off. The whole thing is bad. I. N. A. seems to have split up. Probably you know all this. In view of the above report I might have to go to Bihar. God knows. You may show this to friends.”199  

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Who will now sign the cheques concerning the Jallianwala Bagh since Malaviyaji is no more? As the Sardar happens to be there, consult him and let me know.”200 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The oftener we meet the more convinces I am becoming that the gulf between us in the thought world is deeper than I had feared. He (the Sardar) says that you are largely responsible for the present situation. He is of the opinion that Badshah Khan’s influence is on the wane. Badshah Khan has not left any such impression on me. Whatever he is today, he was always. There is undoubtedly more steadiness today than before. I also feel that Dr. Khan Saheb and his colleagues would be nowhere without the Badshah. He alone counts in so far as the Congress influence is concerned. If the Qaid-e-Azam does not go to the Frontier and does not woo the Badshah, his brother and his other colleagues, the Frontier Ministry should resign and so also the Parliamentary majority on the sole ground that a referendum at this moment must lead to bloodshed and probably, if not certainly, to a lasting blood-feud, which they should avoid in so far as it is humanly possible. Rajkumari Amrit Kaur tells me that you think to the contrary. You think the referendum should take place now. You are also of opinion that a referendum will not cause bloodshed, indeed that my proposal would be more likely to cause it. I do not share this view. I had told the Badshah that if I do not carry you with me. I shall retire at least from the Frontier consultation and let you guide him. I will and cannot interpose myself between you and him. After all, was it not you who brought him to me? You will now decide and tell me.”201

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “If I shared your premises, I should whole-heartedly agree with you. I am sending your note by messenger to the Badshah with my covering letter of which I enclose a copy herewith. The more I contemplate the differences in outlook and opinion between the members of the W. C. and me, I feel that my presence is unnecessary even if it is not detrimental to the cause we all have at heart. May I not go back to Bihar in two or three days? Would it be wrong if you insisted that referendum would be wrong without the presentation of the picture of Pakistan?”202 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have the invitation. I shall be at the Viceroy’s house at 10 a. m. tomorrow. You or Vallabhbhai can fetch me, if that will save petrol. We are going in for British extravagance which the country cannot afford.”203 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I did not say anything yesterday about the Maulana Saheb. But my objection stands. His retiring from the cabinet should not affect our connection with him. There are many positions which he can occupy in public life without any harm to any cause. Sardar is decidedly against his membership in the cabinet and so is Rajkumari. Your cabinet must be strong and effective at the present juncture. It should not be difficult to name another Muslim for the cabinet. I have destroyed the two copies you sent me yesterday.”204 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The work here is preceding well. Yes, I must go to Noakhali. Some days are to be given to Bihar. Under the circumstances, when can I go to the Punjab? Nevertheless, you must tell me when I have to go. No time to write more. I wanted to write in English but the pen went off into Hindustani. See the enclosed; is there any truth in it?”205 

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Punjabis in Calcutta have been pressing me to go to the Punjab at once. They tell me a terrible story. Thousands have been killed. A few thousand girls have been kidnapped! Hindus cannot live in the Pakistan area or Muslims in the other portion. Add to this the information that the two wings of the army took sides and worked havoc! Can any of this be true? When do you think I should go to the Punjab if at all? I have still work in Calcutta, then in Noakhali and Bihar. But everything can be laid aside to go to the Punjab if it is proved to be necessary.”206 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “So far as the war is concerned my speeches have been quite clear. The summaries sent to America and elsewhere may be quite the contrary of what I might have said. I shall deal with the question more fully in my written speech today. As to the deteriorating situation I have told you quite firmly that you should dispense with Sardar, or he you. He won’t shoulder the burden without you; hence you should take it up and reform the Cabinet with one mind. Rajen Babu should give up food portfolio. He will do so gladly. I have always looked upon the wholesale accessions of States with suspicion. They are probably a liability rather than an asset. This sums up my reaction. We may discuss these things more fully when I can speak.”207   

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Maulana Shaheed and some other Maulanas of Delhi came to Bapu yesterday and told him that recent happenings in Delhi had well-nigh driven the local Muslims to desperation. They wanted to be told definitely and authoritatively as to whether the Government really wanted to keep them in the Indian Union or would prefer their going away. In the former case the Government’s declaration of policy would need to be followed by suitable action. They suggested a joint meeting with you, the Sardar and the Maulana Sahib in Bapu’s presence. Bapu has asked me to convey to you that he would be available for the purpose at any time that may suit you.”208

 

References:

  1. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, Before April 28, 1938
  2. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, Before April 28, 1938
  3. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, April 30, 1938
  4. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, May 7, 1938
  5. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, May 26, 1938
  6. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, August 31, 1938
  7. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, September 14, 1938
  8. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 4, 1938
  9. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 16, 1938
  10. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 21, 1938
  11. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 24, 1938
  12. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, December 21, 1938
  13. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, February 3, 1939
  14. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, February 9, 1939
  15. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, February 11, 1939
  16. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, March 20, 1939
  17. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, March 30, 1939
  18. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, April 6, 1939 
  19. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, July 29, 1939
  20. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, August 11, 1939 
  21. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, September 18, 1939
  22. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 25, 1939
  23. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 26, 1939
  24. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 29, 1939
  25. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 4, 1939
  26. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 14, 1939
  27. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, December 28, 1939
  28. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, January 5, 1940
  29. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, After January 5, 1940
  30. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU,  On or after February 7, 1940
  31. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, May 23, 1940
  32. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, July 15, 1940
  33. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, August 8, 1940
  34. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 6, 1940
  35. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 21, 1940 
  36. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 24, 1940
  37. VOL. 79: 16 JULY, 1940 - 27 DECEMBER, 1940 341  
  38. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, January 26, 1941
  39. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, December 5, 1941
  40. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, December 9, 1941 
  41. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, December 13, 1941
  42. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, January 11, 1942
  43. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, February 11, 1942
  44. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, February 23, 1942
  45. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, March 1, 1942
  46. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, March 4, 1942 
  47. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, March 9, 1942
  48. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, After March 27, 1942
  49. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, April 15, 1942
  50. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, April 19, 1942
  51. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, April 24, 1942
  52. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, May 9, 1942
  53. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, June 5, 1942
  54. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, July 13, 1942
  55. The Hindu, 6-5-1945
  56. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, June 25, 1945
  57. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, August 19, 1945
  58. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, September 1, 1945
  59. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, October 5, 1945
  60.  LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 13, 1945
  61. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, December 28, 1945
  62. Amrita Bazar Patrika, 13-1-1946
  63. VOL. 91: 20 MAY, 1946 - 8 AUGUST, 1946 181
  64. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, July 17, 1946
  65. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, August 29, 1946
  66. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, September 3, 1946
  67. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, November 5, 1946
  68. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, January 30, 1947
  69. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, February 24, 1947
  70. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, April 18, 1947 
  71. Mahatma Gandhi—The Last Phase, Vol. II, pp. 268-9
  72. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, June 9, 1947
  73. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, June 30, 1947
  74. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, July 24, 1947
  75. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, August 22, 1947
  76. Mahatma Gandhi—The Last Phase, Vol. II, p. 385
  77. NOTE TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU, September 29, 1947
  78. Sardar Patel’s Correspondence, Vol. IV, p. 410

 

 

 

 

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Notes

How to Learn Nonviolent Resistance As King Did

Created by Shara Lili Esbenshade Feb 14, 2012 at 11:48am. Last updated by Shara Lili Esbenshade Feb 14, 2012.

Two Types of Demands?

Created by Shara Lili Esbenshade Jan 9, 2012 at 10:16pm. Last updated by Shara Lili Esbenshade Jan 11, 2012.

Why gender matters for building peace

Created by Shara Lili Esbenshade Dec 5, 2011 at 6:51am. Last updated by Shara Lili Esbenshade Jan 9, 2012.

Gene Sharp & the History of Nonviolent Action

Created by Shara Lili Esbenshade Oct 10, 2011 at 5:30pm. Last updated by Shara Lili Esbenshade Dec 31, 2011.

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