Mahatma Gandhi and Motilal Nehru

[Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav]

Motilal Nehru (1861-1931); lawyer and politician; co-founder of Swaraj Party; elected to Central Legislative Assembly in 1923 and 1926; presided over Committee which drafted Nehru Report, 1928; President of the Indian National Congress, 1919 and 1928. Motilal Nehru was a prominent freedom fighter. He was much closed to Mahatma Gandhi. A several times Gandhi directed him. Sometimes he took his advice also.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote to Motilal Nehru on dated 20 February 1920 that On the 14th November 1919, the Punjab Sub-committee of the All India Congress Committee appointed yourself, the Hon'ble Fazlul Haq and Messrs C. R. Das, Abbas Tayabji3 and M. K. Gandhi, as ommissioners, with Mr. K. Santanam as Secretary, to examine, sift, collate, and analyze the evidence already collected by and on behalf of the Sub-committee regarding the events of last April in the Punjab, and to supplement such evidence where necessary, and to present their conclusions thereon.

On being nominated President-elect of the National Congress you considered it necessary to resign your office as Commissioner. The resignation was duly accepted by the Sub-committee and as the work of taking evidence was practically concluded when you resigned; no other commissioner was appointed in your place.

The Hon'ble Fazlul Haq was called away on important business immediately after his arrival. Mr. M. R. Jayakar of the Bombay Bar was therefore appointed in his place. We entered upon our work on the 17th November 1919.

We examined the statements of over 1,700 witnesses and we have selected for publication about 650 statements, which will be found in the accompanying volumes of our report. The statements excluded were mostly statements proving [the] same class of acts.

Every admitted statement was verified by one of us. This is the covering letter accompanying the draft report of the Commissioners appointed by the Punjab Sub-committee of the Indian National Congress. The draft prepared by Gandhi is not available. For the report, whose final manuscript for the press was prepared by Gandhi with the assistance of M. R. Jayakar, vide “Congress Report on the Punjab Disorders”. 25-3-1920.

2 Nationalist Muslim leader; Chief Minister of Bengal during World War II 3 1853-1936; nationalist Muslim leader of Gujarat accepted only after we were satisfied as to the bona fides of the witness. This does not apply to a few statements from Manianwala and neighborhood, which were mostly brought at our request by Mr. Labh Singh, M. A., Bar-at-Law. Every such statement bears his name at the foot thereof. No statement was accepted without sufficient cross-examination of the witnesses.

It will be observed that many witnesses are men of position and leaders in their own districts or villages. It will be further observed that some of the witnesses have made very serious allegations against officials. In each and every case the wit-nesses were warned by us of the consequences of making those allegations and they were admitted only when the witnesses adhered to their statements, in spite of the knowledge of the risk they personally ran and the damage that may ensue to the cause by reason of exaggeration or untruth. We have moreover rejected those statements which could not be corroborated although in some cases we were inclined to believe the witnesses. Such for instance were the statements regarding ill-treatment of women.

Needless to say that our inquiry was confined to the Martial Law area and to the districts in which it was proclaimed. The principal places were personally visited by us. In most places large public meetings were held and the public were invited to make their statements to us. The nature of the evidence already recorded was placed before the meetings and those who wished to challenge the occuracy of the statements made, were invited to send in their statements even under pledge of confidence if they so desired. No contradiction was received by us.

We have freely availed ourselves of the evidence led before the Disorders Inquiry Committee, in order to strengthen or correct our conclusions. It may be mentioned that the vast majority of the statements appended were received by us before Lord Hunter's Committee began its sittings.

The majority of the statements were given in the vernaculars. We have endeavored to procure the most accurate translations, but  Amritsar, Lahore, Gujranwala, Gujarat and Lyallpur 2 Lord Hunter's Committee the statements appended to our report may be treated as original, as we checked the witnesses through the translations and made corrections or amendments ourselves, wherever necessary.

We have also studied the records of the trials by Martial Law Commissioners or Summary Courts, in so far as they were available to us, and we have studied the judicial records of several cases that arose during the recruiting period and out of recruiting methods. In conclusion we desire to place on record our great obligation to the leading men of every place we have visited and the many workers in Lahore and elsewhere who have rendered valuable assistance without which we could not have brought our labours to a close within the time at our disposal.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote to Motilal Nehru on dated 9 December 1921 that

This time the unexpected has happened.2 It is all for the good. I envy you and Jawaharlal. If we go at this rate swaraj may burst upon us even without warning. I think that Godbole3 should continue the routine work. I would like you to send your instructions, views and wishes as to the present and the future. I wrote today [to] Sarup4 and Ranjit saying, unless they had been advised by you otherwise and if they could, they should go to Allahabad.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 18 March 1924 that I have your telegram about rejection of the Finance Bill.2 I rejoice because the victory gives you joy, but I cannot enthuse over it, nor am I amazed at the victory. With proper discipline and tact it was not an impossible feat, and I never doubted your very great tactfulness and persuasive eloquence and your patience with threats, and I entirely agree with you that, if you had more time for organization and a larger backing from the country, you would have carried everything before you in the Provincial as well as the Central Legislature. What, however, I cannot get over I explained somewhat to Lalaji3. Since then my views have developed further along the same line, and at one time I thought of dictating a fairly long letter setting forth my views, but I held back for three reasons. I doubted the wisdom of the course. Knowing how busy you are, I felt I ought not to inflict a long letter on you, and thirdly, I wanted to conserve my energy for the things I must do from day to day. If you are able to carry out the original programme, we shall meet before long. I hope in the midst of your very wonderful activities you are keeping good health.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 13 April 1924 that Here is the draft as corrected by me. If you and other friends pass it, I can issue it as soon as you desire.2 I feel that I must remove the clause fixing the period of probation. But I can say to the friends definitely that I have no intention of moving the repeal of the Cocanada resolution. Only I do not know the implications of the clause as it stands. The rest of the corrections don’t call for any remark. But I draw your attention to the last two sentences added by me. Their meaning is plain. They are intended to embody somewhat the conversation of yesterday.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter on dated 3 July 1924 that I have today read a letter which has upset me,1 was wondering whether, if I wrote to you about it, I would be abusing the privilege of friendship. The voice within me tells me I must not decide that question but must leave it to you. If you regard it as an abuse, you will forgive the offence and dismiss the letter from your consideration. The writer has sent me the enclosed cutting (from The Leader).3 I had not read it before. He says that at another dinner you are reported to have said: “Water has been called pure. But wine is made after being thrice distilled. It is, therefore, purer than water.”4 You will not misunderstand me. I have nothing to say to your return to wine-drinking, if you have. But, if the report is to be relied upon, I cannot but be grieved that you, who lead the anti-liquor campaign, should publicly drink it and, what is worse, chaff at teetotalism. I must not say more. Needless to say I shall await your reply with considerable anxiety.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 27 July 1924 that I thank you for your affectionate letter1. I would certainly have listened to you if you had not been the party to tell me that a certain very intimate friend of yours had, with high fever on, held on to his post in the Assembly and would not forsake his post in spite of medical advice. Even after the debate, he would not give himself rest.

If you could not prevail with such an intimate friend, how should you with me? Example is better than precept; say so many copy-books. But really there is no cause for anxiety about me. It is true that I have lost weight to an alarming extent, but I cannot eat under great pressure of work. The strain of sitting itself during those meetings was great. If there were not so many calls on my time, I would certainly have jumped at your offer of the Ganges retreat, but the Delhi people are worrying me. I have many delicate problems in the Ashram. I would love to write to you about them, if I had the time to disburden myself and you the time to give a friendly ear. But I must desist. I wanted to write an important letter to you today, but I must not as I have some friends waiting for me. I shall try tomorrow. I would like you not to hesitate to write on business matters whenever you feel you have anything to say to me. I have written to Mahomed Ali asking him to send you a reply.2 I have sent him copy of my answers to you.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 9 August 1924 that I promised to write to you an important letter, but I have not been able up to now. I was ready four days ago when I received Mrs. Naidu’s letter informing me she was coming here. I, therefore, stopped the letter pending her arrival. I wanted to say that I was prepared to facilitate your securing the Congress machinery, actually assisting you to do so. In no case will I be party to vote-catching in the sense it is being understood at the present moment. I would be prepared to work outside the Congress but not in opposition to it. I have no interest in anything but promoting a peaceful atmosphere, khaddar, and Hindu-Muslim unity and removal of untouchability. In all this I know I should get your assistance. I would naturally have an organization for that work, but not with any desire whatsoever to capture the Congress ultimately. I would not like to waste the nation’s time in wrangling over getting a majority in an atmosphere such as is prevalent today.

If you are not prepared to take over the whole of the Congress machinery, I am quite prepared to facilitate your taking over those Provinces where you think you have no difficulty in running it. Short of my coming into your programme, I would like to place myself at your disposal.

Then there is the question of the Congress President. Rajagopalachari,

Gangadharrao and Rajendra Babu insist on my accepting the office. Vallabhbhai and Shankarlal approve of my idea of not accepting. Jamnalal is neutral and so is perhaps Mrs. Naidu. I forget to say that Shaukat Ali too is insistent that I should accept the office. The only condition that will make me reconsider my position would be your desire that I should accept. Will you please consult Messrs Das, Kelkar and others and let me know what you would advise me to do in both the matters referred to by me?

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal on dated 15 August 1924 I am sharing with you my whole soul. The more I think of it the more my soul rises against a battle for power at Belgaum. But I do not want to be mixed up with the Councils programme. This can only happen by Swarajists’ manning the Congress or their not acting upon the Congress. I am quite willing to follow whichever courses commend it to you and our friends. With 1 This was in reply to a telegram from Hakim Ajmal Khan dated August 14, 1924, and received on the 15th, which read: “Wire health and when do you go Delhi.”

am in the Congress, the Councils, etc., should remain out of it. Then I can assist you. Or with them In the Congress, I must be practically out of it. I would then gladly occupy the place I did from 1915 to 1918. My purpose is not to weaken the power of the Swarajists, certainly not to embarrass them. Show me the way and I shall try my best to suit you. If there is anything not quite clear in this, please ask.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 30 August 1924 that You will have me therefore almost on your terms. The “almost” is necessary because there are some few things I hold dearer than life and all the ties of the world. But if you will let me have something willingly and whole-heartedly, i.e., knowing that it is right to give, then I want this:

1. Reiterate the Congress belief in the principle and policy of full non-co-operation including the boycott of legislative bodies;

2. But suspend them boycotts all save that of foreign cloth up to the end of 1925.

3. Should invite everybody to join the Congress.

4. Should exclude the boycott of Empire goods.

5. And should confine Congress activity solely to the spread of hand-spinning and hand-spun khaddar, Hindu-Muslim unity, and for Hindus the removal of untouchability. This means that Congress as such should have nothing to do either with Councils or boycotts but they may form their own organizations independently of the Congress to go on with Councils and other activities not inconsistent with the Congress activity. Therefore there can be no organization to prosecute the Council or other

Boycotts suspended under the resolution. Support of the existing national schools should continue and where possible new ones may be opened but they may not have any connection with the Government The four-anna franchise should be abolished and instead each person becoming a member of a Congress organization should be a khaddar-wearer, should contribute per month as a condition of membership at least two thousand yards of yarn of his own spinning, it being open to everyone to contribute the full quota for the whole year at a time.

I see no other way of making the Congress organization a real and living thing, nor can I see any hope for the poor of India without the spinning-wheel and we shall never fire their imagination unless we spin ourselves.

There are other alterations I should suggest in the Constitution but they need not be mentioned now. They are meant purely for effective and expeditious working. We should have a declaration that the Working Committees should be regarded as executive bodies and the A.I.C.C. a deliberative body and that should contain only those who are committed to the full programme of the Congress. But under my proposal, you would be as eligible for election to the Working Committee as I. What I mean is that if the four boycotts are suspended, Council-entry or practice in a law-court should by itself be no bar. As a matter of fact it may be inadvisable for a busy lawyer or a busy Councilor to come into Working Committee whose members would be expected to give their whole time and attention to the three things of the Congress programme.

Under my plan again there should be no exception in favour of Bengal. As a matter of fact Swarajists may organize themselves fully in every province without let or hindrance from the Congress. But the Congress organization everywhere should have only one programme.

Thus Das2 may convert the Congress organization into a Swaraj organization and form himself and permit others to form a Congress organization pledged only to the three things. The idea is this: The

Congress will neither help nor hinder other organizations but the latter should all, if their members are Congressmen, help the Congress programme. Conversely, Congressmen who believe in many other things not prohibited by the Congress may join other organizations for their other activities. . . .

Of the business part as far as I can see only the qualifications of membership may prove an obstacle but I hope you will see that if we all believe in khaddar even as an economic necessity, the acceptance of my proposition is a necessity.

You will observe that I have written the letter as the thoughts have come to me. I do not mind for my sake, as I wish, to live upon your sufferance. No more of domestic wrangling for me.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 2 September 1924 that This is again early morning after prayer. I hope you received my long letter. I expect a wire2 from you. I was unable to revise it. I cannot now recall the exact wordings of the personal part. After all, Mrs. Naidu did not read it as the letter was posted before she could read it. But the business part, of which I have a copy, she and many others have read. This letter like the former is meant to be a plea for Jawaharlal. He is one of the loneliest young men of my acquaintance in India.

The idea of your mental desertion of him hurts me. Physical desertion I hold to be impossible. Needless to say Manzar Ali and I often talked of the Nehrus whilst we were together at Yeravda. He said once that if there was one thing for which you lived more than any other, it was for Jawahar. His remark seemed to be so true. I don’t want to be the cause direct or indirect of the slightest breach in that wonderful affection.

 

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 6 September 1924 that I received your letter yesterday in Surat. To your telegram I sent a brief reply2 from Bombay. I sent a brief wire yesterday in reply to your letter. I am sorry my letter gave you offence. Pray forgive me. Was it not better that I told you what I heard than that I should have kept it to myself? Will you please believe me when I tell you that those who surround me hardly ever speak to me?

My offer, however, stands to be considered on its merits. Will you please consider it and oblige me? As you know I have already discussed it with Mrs. Besant and Messrs Jayakar and Natarajan. I have also discussed it with the Swarajists in Poona. Whether it is accepted or not, my decision is final that I shall not directly or indirectly be the cause of dividing the Congress by a vote. Whatever happens must be by agreement.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 17 September 1924 that

I have your wire. I am in Delhi for some time at any rate. I shall therefore be delighted to see you and Mr. Das whenever you come. I have taken what might be the final plunge. My fast of 21 days commences from today. That is how I have learnt to understand religion.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 27 September 1924 that

 Moved by affection and pity the Conference guided by you has passed the resolution1, you kindly read to me last night. I would ask you to assure the meeting that if I could have complied with its wishes, I would gladly have done so. But I have examined and re-examined myself and I find it is not possible for me to recall the fast. My religion teaches me that a promise once made or a vow once taken for a worthy object may not be broken. And you know my life has been regulated on that basis for now more than 40 years.

The causes of the fast are much deeper than I can explain in this note. For one thing, I am expressing my faith through this fast. Non-co-operation was not conceived in hatred or ill-will towards a single Englishman. Its non-violent character was intended to conquer Englishmen by our love. Not only has it not resulted in that consequence, but the energy generated by it has brought about hatred and ill-will against one another amongst us. It is the knowledge of this fact which has weighed me down and imposed this irrevocable penance upon me.

The fast is therefore a matter between God and myself, and I would therefore not only ask you to forgive me for not breaking it but would ask you even to encourage me and pray for me that it may 1 This Conference places on record its deep grief and concern at the fast which

Mahatma Gandhi has undertaken.

The Conference is emphatically of opinion that the utmost freedom of conscience and religion is essential, and condemns any desecration of places of worship, to whatsoever faith they may belong, and any persecution or punishment of any person for adopting or reverting to any faith; and further condemns any attempts by compulsion to convert people to one’s faith or to secure or enforce one’s own religious observation at the cost of the rights of others.

The members of the Conference assure Mahatma Gandhi and pledge themselves to use their utmost endeavors to enforce these principles and to condemn any deviation from them even under provocation. This Conference further authorizes the President to convey personally to Mahatma Gandhi the solemn assurance of this Conference to the above effect as also the united wishes of this Conference that Mahatma Gandhi should immediately break his fast in order to permit the Conference to have the benefit of his co-operation, advice and guidance in deciding upon the speediest means of effectively checking the evil which is fast over-spreading the country.

I have not taken up the fast to die, but I have taken it up to live a better and purer life for the service of the country. If, therefore, I reach a crisis (of which humanly speaking I see no possibility whatsoever) when the choice lies between death and food, I shall certainly break the fast.1 But Drs. Ansari and Abdul Rahman, who are looking after me with the greatest attention and care, will tell you that I am keeping wonderfully fresh. I would therefore respectfully urge the meeting to transmute all personal affection of which the resolution is an index into solid, earnest and true work for unity for which the Conference has met.

 

 

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 30 October 1924 that Ever since the firing of the Vice regal bomb I have been taxing myself as to what we can do and our helplessness has preyed upon me. This is our conclusion! We must not do anything in haste or anger. We must therefore bow before the storm. For the time being we must revert to the old method of simply expressing our opinion and we should concentrate all-India opinion upon the lawless methods of the Government and therefore attack the principle of the Government adopting extra-ordinary measures and should therefore call upon the Government to repeal even Regulation III of 1818. If extraordinary powers are required by an extraordinary situation, they can be taken only upon a vote of elected representatives. I know that even this is tall talk and it jars on me. But I see no other way out at the present moment.

So much to the all-India work. If I could carry you, that is, you personally and Swarajists, with me, I would ask the Working Committee or the A.I.C.C. to concentrate its efforts upon the three items mentioned. Give me a compact disciplined Congress, and I can see my way again to answering Government action with popular action. But till then, and till Hindus and Mussalmans speak with one mind and till we show substantial work about khaddar and untouchability, I for one see no prospect of any effective direct action. Since the Bengal arrests, the idea of retiring from the Congress has possessed me, unless I receive the enthusiastic support of Swarajists in my proposals. I simply want to bring into being a compact organization which will respond to every call. I do not care how small that organization is. All other non-violent activities may go on. I can understand their utility up to a point. But I am convinced that they will all be a wasted effort, if nobody concerns himself with bringing into being a disciplined and effective organization. I feel deeply hurt and humiliated that we cannot take up with any degree of effect the Government challenge. I think I have told you all you can want to know from me. I am sending you the following telegram sent a little note to Das as he passed through Delhi. Please tell him it is not want of will which keeps me tied down to Delhi. I hardly looked at the newspapers before. But since the arrests. I have been eagerly scanning everything about them in all the papers that come under my notice. I was glad you were able to go to Nagpur and more so that you are able to get the parties to agree to your and Maulana’s arbitration.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 15 June 1925 that I was distressed to learn from your letter of relapse and Jawahar’s fever. I hope both of you were free soon after your letter and that you are both now enjoying the bracing atmosphere. I have wired1 to you about Khwaja2. He is wrong in saddling me with responsibility. But if he must, what can I say but what I should do in his place? If the Jamia breeds intolerance, it is Khwaja’s fault. He is its head. It was started by the best of Mussalmans. It may be reformed, if it has become bad, but in my opinion it must not be allowed to die for want of care. It must, therefore, claim Khawaja’s undivided attention if it is to prosper. He is not a mere figure-head, but he is the soul of the movement. He is also administrator. I am therefore objecting not on the ground of principle but policy, that is, in the present case, more if possible even than principle. The only way Khwaja can seek election is by finding a substitute equally efficient for the college.

Moreover I am not the only party to advise. Khwaja has to consult Hakim Saheb and Dr. Ansari if he will not also consult the Ali Brothers. They are co-trustees with him. I hope you now appreciate my difficulty. I feel that I am helping the party with all my heart. This telegram am not available. M. Khawaja of Jamia Millia Islamia, Aligarh wants to help it more for my own satisfaction than for that of friends much as I prize their satisfaction.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 19 July 1925 that During these few days I have been taxing myself what special exclusive contribution I can make to the memory of Deshbandhu and the situation created by Lord Birkenhead’s speech, and I have come to the conclusion that I should absolve the Swaraj Party from all obligations under the Pact of last year. The result of this act is that the Congress need no longer be a predominantly spinning association. I recognize that, under the situation created by the speech, the authority and the influence of the Swaraj Party need to be increased. I would fail in my duty if I neglected a single step within my power to increase the strength of the Party. This can be done if the Congress becomes a predominantly political body. Under the Pact, the Congress activity is restricted to the constructive programme mentioned therein. I recognize that this restriction should not continue under the altered circumstances that face the country. Not only do I, therefore, personally absolve you from the restriction, but I propose to ask the forthcoming meeting of the A.I.C.C. to do likewise and place the whole machinery of the Congress at your disposal so as to enable you to bring before that body such political resolutions as you may consider necessary in the interest of the country. In fact, I would have you regard me at your disposal in all such matters in which I can conscientiously serve you and the Swaraj Party.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 24 November 1925 that

I would love the idea of Kamala going to Switzerland for treatment and taking Jawaharlal with her. The cure would be certainly more permanent than hoped to have here, but I suggest she should not be sent during winter, but only in April. At the present moment, therefore, I am quite clear in my mind that she should be sent to Lucknow and that Jawaharlal should give her as much time as it is possible for him. My whole heart goes out in your domestic troubles. I hope that Kamala would be soon restored to health. Even though it is owing to the domestic trouble, I do not mind this brief interruption in your toil, you do need some rest fromincessant toil. Political troubles and differences will be always with us. A brief interruption, therefore, will not matter much. I have not been reading the reports of all the meetings, but I have been reading the headlines and a few sentences here and there, and I was able to gather from this cursory reading that you were having a very successful time; of this I have no doubt.

You refer me to an interview I am said to have given, but I have been guilty of no such atrocity. Our friend. Sadanand1 approached me and I sent a message to him that I had nothing to say. The Associated Press correspondent had been to me more than once and I have given him the same reply. I have asked Devdas to let me know if anything has appeared in the Press. He too has seen nothing except an extract from some correspondent, which I think has been lifted from Mrs. Naidu was in Ahmedabad for one day, but she told me she broke her journey merely to see how I was looking, after having dropped some pounds of flesh in Kutch. She told me she was coming here at the end of the month to discuss the contents of her address.

She is at present in Bombay. I leave for Bombay Satyagraha Ashram on 7th December. I reach Bombay on 8th. I leave Bombay on 9th for Wardha reaching there on 10th. If you think it is not too late we can meet at Wardha, but Mrs. Naidu may herself find that to be too late. I am free whenever you can come here and certainly equally free in Wardha. If you hear that I have been fasting again, pray do not be alarmed, it is only a week’s fast of purification undertaken in connection with misbehavior on the part of youngsters who are undergoing training in the Ashram School attached to the Ashram.

Such fasting has become part of my need. It does me good and at least temporarily keeps the surroundings clean. Fast breaks on Tuesday morning, and I shall have no difficulty in regaining my strength almost immediately after. I have written to Dastane already. I have spoken to Gangadharrao personally because he was here. I hope you will keep good health in spite of extra worry and pressure that the crisis means for you.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 17 February 1926 that

I have your letter. I know that it is a matter of shame for me to have become ill. I am taking now double precautions. I shall leave no stone unturned to present myself in a fit condition at the end of the year. And, if you have any homoeopathic pills that will guarantee an absolute cure and turn me into a youth of 26 instead of an old man of 56, pass those pills on to me and I shall take as many as you want me to every day!

I am so glad Jawaharlal and Kamla are going and with them Swarup and Ranjit. I am not surprised at Krishna not wanting to be left behind. I do hope it will be possible to squeeze her in somehow or other so that she can have as much outing as possible. I expect great results from this trip, not only for Kamla but also for Jawaharlal. Yes. I did take note of the fact that you were present at the Conference between the Viceroy and the leaders of the two Houses. I am glad that you were one of the party.

If all the Assembly Committees will have to be given up, I very much fear that the Skeen Committee1 will have to be treated likewise, though the technical distinction that you point out is there, it will not be enough for our purpose. Though personally I dislike the idea of the Skeen Committee having to be given up by you, if it is good to come out of the Councils, it will be necessary to come out of the Skeen Committee. I should be delighted if you could at all come even for a day during the month. As you thrive on difficulties, I hope that you are keeping perfectly fit and strong.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 27 February 1926 that I have shown you M.2 Shaffi’s letter. Please tell him and other Mohammedan friends that in my opinion it would be wrong for the Swarajists to support the tabled resolution about the N.W.F. Provinces. At the same time I should support any proposal to include these Provinces in any scheme of self-government that the Congress ultimately agrees to. To that end I have suggested to you two draft resolutions which I hope the Mussalman friends will accept. If no agreement can be reached I feel that your embargo upon voting by the Swarajist members is the only dignified course.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 19 March 1926 that I had your telegram about Devdas. Dr. Dalal suspected appendicitis and advised operation. I had no hesitation in agreeing and so the operation was performed in the presence of Jamnalalji and Mahadev. I was not present but I saw him on Thursday on my way to Mahabaleshwar and Deolali where I went to see Mathuradas who is ailing. Devdas is doing quite well and expects to be discharged about the 25th instant. There is no cause for the slightest anxiety. I am dictating this at Mahabaleshwar which I reached this afternoon at about 5 o’clock. I am to see the Governor on Tuesday.

Here is a copy of the letter2 from Vithalbhai. He came to the Ashram after writing the letter. I told him about the conversation we had about the Speaker’s salary. He told me that he knew nothing of any arrangement for giving half or any portion of the salary to the party funds. I thereupon told him that I must consult you before accepting the cheque. Will you please tell me what is to be done? Sir Chunilal Mehta told me as we were walking that you had decided not to go to England but to take rest at a hill-side station leaving the leadership of the party to Mr. Iyengar4. Are you not going to England?

 

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 24 May 1926 that I could never guess the reason you give me for cancelling your passage. But having known the reason, I don’t regret the cancellation. Krishna having gone to Jawahar relieves you of all anxiety. I know that you will get from your chamber practice all you need and more. I have not yet had your dictated letter. I can wait for it. All I can report to you about Mahabaleshwar is that I had pleasant three hours with the Governor. We talked mostly about the spinning-wheel and somewhat about the cattle of India. If there was anything more behind this interview, I did not fathom it. Nor did I try to. Devdas expects to be discharged in a week’s time and is likely to go to Mussoorie for convalescene. There is nothing yet decided about Finland. The odds are that I am not going. I should know in a week’s time.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 14 May 1927 that I must dictate. Writing regularly with my own hand causes too much strain and it is not possible to sit up long. This, however, does not mean that I am not getting stronger, but the strength comes very slowly. And I do not want to be in arrears with such correspondence as I would like to attend to. I prize your first letter as a gift. It shows you in all your greatness and goodness. You are living for your children. I envy them. But Krishna’s wedding must not be after Jawahar’s type. It must be as humble as Sarup’s2. Otherwise I must apply for a warrant of attachment. Or, if I feel I must enter into collusion with Krishna.

I read the public printed report from beginning to end. And I have now read the confidential report3. Both are worthy of Jawaharlal. I appreciate the view he presents about foreign propaganda. But somehow or other I still feel that our way lies differently. I feel that we will not get the support of Europe beyond a certain point, because after all most of the European States are partners in our exploitation, and if my proposition is correct, namely, that we must resist this exploitation in every shape and form, we shall not retain European sympathy during the final heat of the struggle. However, for the moment my view is merely academic. And you will vote Congress funds as you please.

The idea of Jawaharlal presiding has an irresistible appeal for me. But I wonder whether it would be proper in the present atmosphere to saddle the responsibility upon him. It seems to me to be a thankless task. All discipline has vanished. Communalism is at its height. Intrigue is triumphant everywhere. Good and true men are finding it difficult to hold on to their position in the Congress. Jawahar’s time will be simply taken away in keeping the Congress house tolerably pure and he will simply sicken. Till your letter came, I had no thought of interfering this year in the choice of the President.

My instinct still goes that way. But, being out of touch, I may be taking too gloomy a view of the situation. You know better. And seeing that you are taking your head, and I suppose heart also, to Bombay, you will know the situation at first hand and guide me. There will be still time enough to move. I return Krishna’s copy of Jawahar’s confidential report as also the first page of his letter. I have only just received papers regarding Saklatvala which I shall go through in due time.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated  14 May 1927 that Jamnalalji delivered your letter to me and he told me you were sending a long letter. Ever since the receipt of your first letter, I have been constantly thinking over the matter. The President is here and he broached the subject yesterday. I mentioned Jawaharlal’s name. He had not thought of it. He, however, preferred Ansari and I told him that if Dr. Ansari could be induced to accept the honour, there was an end to all talk about Jawaharlal and that I thought it would be good luck if Dr. Ansari could be induced to shoulder the burden. However, I have written to Jawaharlal and I send you a copy of my letter1 to him. It expresses my opinion to date. At first I thought I would let you send my letter so that you could stop it if you liked; but I then thought that after all there was no harm in my letter going to Jawaharlal before you had seen it. You could add whatever you liked to my letter so as to enable Jawaharlal to form a correct judgment.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 19 June 1927 that I must still dictate, though this dictating is not to be regarded as any indication of weakness of body. I am simply literally following doctor’s advice in order to store up energy for future use. Whether energy is being thereby stored or not remains to be known. I have your telegram. If you could have braved the travelling through the hot parts, you would certainly have been amply rewarded and forgotten the heat of central India. I wonder whether chamber work could not be done outside Allahabad. Pherozeshah used to drag clients after him. Of course it was cruel. I wonder whether for reasons of health you would not be justified in putting clients to the trouble of following you to a cool place. Things, as they are shaping in the Congress, confirm the opinion

In reply to his letter dated June 11that it is not yet time for Jawaharlal to shoulder the burden. He is too high-souled to stand the anarchy and hooliganism that seem to be growing in the Congress, and it would be cruel to expect him to evolve order all of a sudden out of chaos. I am confident, however, that the anarchy will spend itself before long and the hooligans will themselves want a disciplinarian. Jawaharlal will come in then. For the present, we should press Dr. Ansari to take the reins. He won’t control the holligans. He will let them have their way; but he may specialize in the Hindu-Muslim question and do something in the matter. It will be quite enough work for him in the coming year to solve the almost insoluble problem.

Gandhi wrote a letter to Motilal Nehru on dated 2 July 1927 that So I can’t have you in Bangalore, it appears. It will be cruel to have you follow me somewhere down South to melt there. But if you come even about the end of this month, I might be at some pleasant place in Mysore, because the whole of Mysore is Nature’s favoured spo