For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

General Botha and Mahatma Gandhi

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Gandhian Scholar

Gandhi Research Foundation Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. - 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail-dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net; dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

General Botha and Mahatma Gandhi

General Botha was born on 27 September, 1862 in Grey Town colony of Natal. He was a farmer. He was General in Boer War. He was the first prime minister of union of South Africa. He opposed and supported to Mahatma Gandhi time to time. Mahatma Gandhi mentioned in the book of Satyagraha of South Africa and Collected Work of Mahatma Gandhi. I am giving some impotent incident of General Botha and Mahatma Gandhi here. Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha has written to the Government saying that the Chinese not only did not desist from acts of violence against Boer farmers but were, in fact, becoming crueler. The question arises as to how long these outrages will continue. If the Government of the Transvaal and the mine-owners could not stop this outrageous conduct by the Chinese, the Boers would complain to the British Government about it. He further says that, if the Government did not give a satisfactory reply, the Boers would send a deputation to the British Government in order to appeal to them to arrange the repatriation of the Chinese.”1 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha is likely to be the Prime Minister. That is to say, he will be as good as President. This has greatly elated the hearts of the Dutch. For us there is not much in this either to rejoice or to regret. However, one may hope that the Dutch will do the Indian community some measure of justice. Some of them know the Indian community well. It does not seem likely that they will be wholly unjust. I am writing this on Tuesday, the 26th. However, it would be no matter for surprise if the cabinet were to be formed before this issue of Indian Opinion is out.”2

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha has now completed the formation of his Ministry. He has himself become Prime Minister; General Smuts has become the Colonial Secretary. Mr. De Villiers heads the Departments of Justice and of Mines. Mr. Hull is in charge of the Treasury; Mr. Rissick is the Minister for African Affairs and Mr. E. P. Solomon, the Head of the Public Works? Department. Sir Richard Solomon has declined to accept any office. Among the ministers, the Indian community will have to do mostly with Mr. De Villiers and Mr. Smuts. It now remains to be seen what course things will take.”3 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha has been invited by Lord Elgin to attend the Colonial Conference. It is said that, if General Botha accepts the invitation, the British will welcome him heartily.”4 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha had one farm of nine thousand acres. He was familiar with all the intricacies of agriculture. When he went to Europe in connection with negotiations for peace, it was said of him that there was hardly anyone in Europe who was as good a judge of sheep as he was. General Botha had succeeded the late President Kruger. His knowledge of English was excellent; yet when he met the King and ministers in England he always preferred to talk in his own mother tongue.”5

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The residents of Pretoria gave a dinner to General Botha and his cabinet colleagues. Many prominent persons attended it. In his speech General Botha thanked the British and acknowledged that they had been very liberal in handing over the reins of Government to the Boers. As a result, the Dutch would remain loyal subjects of King Edward. The General further said that the Transvaal had been very much in the public eye, but that the people should let bygones be bygones and give the country a respite so that measures to promote its prosperity could be undertaken. The Boers wished to live happily and allow others to do likewise. They would treat the Kaffirs justly and would not harass the mine-owners. The Dutch and the British, as indeed the Dutch and English languages, were equal in his eyes. This speech was generous and conciliatory. If it is lived up to, everyone will be able to live happily under the Dutch regime.”6 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Generals Botha and Smuts were not the men to be satisfied with such restricted freedom. They kept aloof from the Legislative Council. They did not cooperate. They flatly refused to have anything to do with the Government. Lord Milner made a pungent speech, in the course of which he said that General Botha need not have attached so much importance to himself. The country’s Government could well be carried on without him. Lord Milner thus decided to stage Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark. It was said that though he indulged in bluff, he found it so difficult to govern the Transvaal and the Free State without the assistance of General Botha, that he was often seen in his garden in an anxious and excited state of mind. General Botha distinctly stated that by the treaty of Vereeniging, as he understood it, the Boers were immediately entitled to complete internal autonomy. He added that, had that not been the case, he would never have signed the treaty. Lord Kitchener declared in reply that he had given no such pledge to General Botha. The Boers, he said, would be gradually granted full self-government as they proved their loyalty! Now who was to judge between these two? How could one expect General Botha to agree if arbitration was suggested? The decision arrived at in the matter by the Imperial Government of the time was very creditable to them. They conceded that the stronger party should accept the interpretation of the agreement put upon it by the other and weaker party. According to the principles of justice and truth, that is the correct canon of interpretation. I may have meant to say anything, but I must concede that my speech or writing was intended to convey the meaning ascribed to it by my hearer or reader in so far as he is concerned. We often break this golden rule in our lives. Hence arise many of our disputes and half-truth, which is worse than untruth, is made do duty for truth. Thus when truth in the present case General Botha fully triumphed, he set to work. All the colonies were eventually united, and South Africa obtained full self-government.”7

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha’s name is on everybody’s lips here. Everywhere the reaction to his speech has been very good. The Times has written favorably of it and rates him very highly. Others too could have said what General Botha did. But the British have a special affection for one who speaks generously after having proved his valour in battle. The lesson for us is that the Indian community too should show courage. A move is afoot here to give a dinner to General Botha and his colleagues in the Ministry as was done at Pretoria. It is said that the dinner will be at the Carlton Hotel on the 23rd. General Botha is to go to England to attend the Colonial Conference. We have suggested to our Committee in London that they should meet him and put our case before him.”8

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “To the last cable sent by the Association to the British Committee, a reply has been received It says that efforts are being made to see General Botha; a strong communication has been addressed to Lord Elgin; and a meeting of the Members of the House of Commons will take Place on Wednesday. This reply was received on Thursday the 18th. A cable in The Rand Daily Mail of Saturday the 20th says that General Botha has agreed to meet the Committee. This is the news received to date.”9 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha wants you to agree to this legislation after due deliberation. Government deems it to be essential to the existence of the Europeans. They will certainly consider any suggestions about details which you may make consistently with the objects of the Ordinance, and my advice to the deputation is that your interest lies in agreeing to the legislation and proposing changes only as regards the details.” I am leaving out here the particulars of the discussion with the Minister, as all those arguments have already been dealt with. The arguments were just the same, there was only a difference in phraseology as they were set forth before the Minister. The deputation withdrew, after informing him that his advice notwithstanding, acquiescence in the proposed legislation was out of the question, and after thanking Government for its intention of exempting women from its provisions. It is difficult to say whether the exemption of women was the first fruit of the community’s agitation, or whether the Government as an afterthought made a concession to practical considerations which Mr. Curtis had ruled out of his scientific methods. Government claimed that it had decided to exempt women independently of the Indian agitation. Be that as it might, the community established to their own satisfaction a cause and effect relation between the agitation and the exemption and their fighting spirit rose accordingly.”10

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “A cable in The Rand Daily Mail indicates that a deputation on the subject of the Asiatic Registration Act, led by Lord Ampthill, has already met General Botha. The deputation included Sir Muncherji, Sir Henry Cotton, Mr. Harold Cox, Mr. Justice Ameer Ali, Mr. Ritch and others. Lord Ampthill said that no laws which humiliated the Indian community should be introduced. Indians, who are already in the Transvaal, should be enabled to live there honorably. In his reply General Botha said that there was no intention whatever of humiliating Indians, and that he would use his influence as practicable to preserve their honour. The members of the deputation told the Press representatives that General Botha’s reply was satisfactory.”11 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “As the time for issuing permits under the Black Act was drawing nearer, the Indians were naturally anxious in spite of all their enthusiasm; but no less anxious than they were General Botha and General Smuts, all the might of the Transvaal Government at their back notwithstanding. No one would like to bend a whole community to his will by sheer force. General Botha therefore had sent Mr. William Hosken to this meeting to admonish us. The reader has already made this gentleman’s acquaintance in a previous chapter. The meeting received him warmly, and he said, “You know I am your friend. I need scarcely say that my feelings in this matter are with you. If at all I could, I would gladly make your opponents accede to your demands. But you hardly need to be told about the general hostility of the Transvaal Europeans to your community. I am here at General Botha’s instance. He has asked me to be the bearer of his message to this meeting. He entertains a feeling of respect for you and understands your sentiments, but he says, “He is helpless. All the Europeans in the Transvaal unanimously ask for such law, and he himself is convinced of the necessity for it. The Indians know full well how powerful the Transvaal Government is. The law has again been endorsed by the Imperial Government. The Indians have done all they could and have acquitted themselves like men. But now that their opposition has failed, and the law has been passed, the community must prove their loyalty and love of peace by submitting to it. General Smuts will carefully look into any representations you make suggesting minor changes in the regulations framed in virtue of the Registration Act.” My own advice to you also is, that you should comply with the General’s message. I know that the Transvaal Government is firm regarding this law. To resist it will be to dash your head against a wall. I wish that your community may not be ruined in fruitless opposition or invite needless suffering on their heads.” I translated the speech to the meeting word by word, and further put them on their guard on my own behalf. Mr. Hosken retired amidst cheers.”12

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “At 4.30 p.m. on Saturday, a meeting of the Association took place to consider the question of a deputation to General Botha. Those present included the acting Chairman, Mr. Essop Mia, and Messrs Abdool Gani1, Coovadia, Naidoo, Omarji Sale, Alibhai Akuji, Pillay, Mahomed, Emam Abdool Kadir and other gentlemen. Mr. Hajee Habib had come from Pretoria specially to attend this meeting. After certain points had been decided, it was resolved to send a deputation to General Botha, Mr. Hajee Habib moving and Mr. Coovadia seconding the resolution. It was also decided to submit a petition requesting the Government to accept the proposal contained in Mr. Gandhi’s letter to The Star referred to above, and that General Botha should be informed that, if that proposal was turned down by the Government and the desired changes were not made in the law, the Indian community would never accept the law and would adhere to the September Resolution. It was resolved that the deputation should consist of Messrs Essop Mia, Abdool Gani, Hajee Habib, Moonlight, and Gandhi. Accordingly, Mr. Essop Mia has asked General Botha for an appointment. By the time this letter is published in Indian Opinion, the deputation may have already waited upon General Botha.”13

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “There has been an inquiry as to whether it will be possible for General Botha to give us relief in the regulations, and whether it will still be necessary for us to resist the law if we get all the relief asked for. In the first place, it is essential to know what can be secured through regulations. These can only determine whether a thumb impression or digit-impressions will be required or whether signatures will be enough. But such matters as registration of children, harassment by the police, showing of identification marks to the police, etc., which are the oppressive sections in this Act, cannot be changed by regulations. In brief, the slur that the law casts on us cannot be wiped out by regulations framed under it. Without amending the law therefore General Botha cannot give us the redress we seek. It is absolutely futile to hope that the law will be amended. The utmost that can be done is not to have the law gazetted for the present. By this the prestige of both parties will be maintained. If the law is so amended as to make it acceptable to us, the Government will lose face.”14

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The second or third day, on January 30, 1908, Mr. Vernon, the Superintendent of Police, Johannesburg, took me to Pretoria to meet General Smuts, with whom I had a good deal of talk. He told me what had passed between him and Mr. Cartwright. He congratulated me on the Indian community having remained firm even after my imprisonment, and said, “I could never entertain a dislike for your people. You know I too am a barrister. I had some Indian fellow students in my time. But I must do my duty. The Europeans want this law, and you will agree with me, that these are mostly not Boers, but Englishmen. I accept the alteration you have suggested in the draft. I have consulted General Botha also, and I assure you that I will repeal the Asiatic Act as soon as most of you have undergone voluntary registration. When the bill legalizing such registration is drafted, I will send you a copy for your criticism. I do not wish there should be any recurrence of the trouble, and I wish to respect the feelings of your people.” So saying General Smuts rose. I asked him, “Where am I to go? And what about the other prisoners?” The General laughed and said, you are free this very moment. I am phoning to the prison officials to release the other prisoners tomorrow morning. But I must advise you not to go in for many meetings or demonstrations, as in that case Government will find itself in an awkward position.”15

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha, in the name of the people of the Transvaal, more than once expressed profound gratitude to the Imperial Government for the liberal constitution granted to the Transvaal, and his concern for the Empire as a whole. If he includes India as a part of the Empire, there is reason to hope that he will, even at the last moment, by accepting the Indian compromise, avoid an exacerbation of the feelings of the British Indians in the Transvaal.”16 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “There were other Europeans whose names I could mention and who never missed an opportunity of doing us a good turn, although they did not formally join any association. But I propose to close this chapter with a few words about three ladies. One, of these was Miss Hobhouse, the daughter of Lord Hobhouse, who at the time of the Boer War reached the Transvaal against the wishes of Lord Milner, and who single-handed moved among the Boer women, encouraged them and bade them to stand firm when Lord Kitcheaer had set up his famous or rather infamous “concentration camps” in the Transvaal and the Free State. She believed the English policy in respect of the Boer War to be totally unrighteous, and therefore like the late Mr Stead she wished and prayed to Cod for England’s defeat in the war. Having thus served the Boers, she was shocked to learn that the same Boers, who had only recently resisted injustice with all their might, were now led into doing injustice to the Indians through ignorant prejudice. The Boers looked up to her with great respect and affection. Site was very intimate with General Botha, and did her best to commend to the Boers the policy of repealing the Black Act.”17

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “On behalf of the British Indian Association, Mr. Essop Mia had addressed a letter3 to General Botha. He had requested that, as the law had not been brought into effect, the Indian community’s suggestion deserved to be accepted. General Botha replied that correspondence in the matter should be addressed to the Colonial Secretary. Thereupon a communication has been sent to the latter. His reply will perhaps have been received by the time this letter appears in print.”18 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “At this time Lord Crewe was Secretary of State for the Colonies and Lord Morley Secretary of State for India. “There were many discussions, and we interviewed a large number of people. There was hardly a journalist or member of either House whom it was possible to meet but whom we did not meet. Lord Ampthill rendered us invaluable help. He used to meet Mr. Merriman, General Botha and others and at last he brought a message from the General. Said he: “General Botha appreciates your feelings in the matter, and is willing to grant you minor demands. But he is not ready to repeal the Asiatic Act or to amend the Immigrants Restriction Act. He also refuses to remove the colour bar which has been set up in the law of the land. To maintain the racial bar is a matter of principle with the General and even if he felt like doing away with it the South African Europeans would never listen to him. General Smuts is of the same mind as General Botha, and this is their final decision and final offer. If you ask for more you will only be inviting trouble for yourself as well as for your people. Therefore whatever you do, do it after giving due consideration to this attitude of the Boer leaders. General Botha has asked me to tell you this and give you an idea of your responsibility.” And after delivering the message Lord Ampthill said, “You see that General Botha concedes all your practical demands, and in this work-a-day world we must always give and take. We cannot have everything that we desire. I would therefore strongly advise you to close with this offer. If you wish to fight for principle’s sake, you may do so later on. You and the Sheth think over this, and let me have your reply at your convenience.” Upon hearing this I looked to Sheth Haji Habib, who said, “Tell him from me that I accept General Botha’s offer on behalf of the conciliation party. If he makes these concessions, we will be satisfied for the present and later on struggle for principle. I do not like the community to suffer any more. The party I represent constitutes the majority of the community, and it also holds the major portion of the community’s wealth.” I translated the Sheth’s sentences word by word, and then on behalf of the Satyagrahis I said: “We are both highly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken. My colleague is right when he says that he represents a numerically and financially stronger section. The Indians for whom I speak are comparatively poor and inferior numbers, but they are resolute unto death. They are fighting not only for practical relief but for principle as well. If they must give up either of the two, they will jettison the former and fight for the latter. We have an idea of General Botha’s might, but we attach still greater weight to our pledge, and therefore we are ready to face the worst in the act of abiding by it. We will be patient in the confidence that if we stick to our solemn resolution, God in Whose name we have made it will see to its fulfillment. I can grasp your position fully. You have done much for us. We will not take it ill if you now withhold your support from a handful of Satyagrahis. Nor will we forget the debt of gratitude under which you have laid us. But we trust that you will excuse us for our inability to accept your advice. You may certainly tell General Botha how the Sheth and myself have received his offer and inform him that the Satyagrahis though in a minority will observe their pledge and hope in the end to soften his heart by their self-suffering and to induce him to repeal Asiatic Act.”19

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Sir George Farrar wanted to know from General Botha what were the changes that he was reported to have suggested to the Imperial Government. In his reply General Botha said, “A deputation met me on behalf of Indians. The Imperial Government, too, had made some recommendations. I said in reply that the law would be so enforced as not to wound the feelings of the Indian community.” Sir George said, “This is no reply to my question. Which particular hardship under the law is intended to be redressed?” “None,” replied General Botha. I said earlier that the British Indian Association had written to the Colonial Secretary.3 General Botha’s reply shows that it will be futile to expect any amendment of the law. But it is another matter as to when the law will come into force and whether the suggestion of the Indian community will be accepted. Let the Indian community keep in mind the saying, “Hope of help from others will always end in despair,” and be ready to defend its honour in the Transvaal.”20

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “General Botha says that the Indian community is not being reasonable in carrying on so much agitation against finger-prints. This also shows that the Government itself does not know what it will do if the Indians remain firm. However, to remove the wrong impression, Mr. Essop Mia has addressed the following letter on behalf of the Association.”21 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “After Johannesburg Gokhale visited Natal and then proceeded to Pretoria, where he was put up by the Union Government at the Transvaal hotel. Here he was to meet the ministers of the Government, including General Botha and General Smuts. It was my usual practice to inform Gokhale of all engagements fixed for the day, early in the morning or on the previous evening if he so desired. The coming interview with the Union ministers was a most important affair. We came to the conclusion that I should not go with Gokhale, nor indeed even offer to go. My presence would raise a sort of barrier between Gokhale and the ministers, who would be handicapped in speaking out without any reserve about what they considered to be the mistakes of the local Indians including my own. Then again they could not with an easy mind make any statement of future policy if they wished to make it. As for all these reasons Gokhale must go alone, it added largely to his burden of responsibility. What was to be done if Gokhale inadvertently committed some mistake of fact, or if he had nothing to say as regards some fact which had not been first brought to his notice, but which was first put to him by the ministers, or if he was called upon to accept some arrangement on behalf of the Indians in the absence of any one of their responsible leaders? But Gokhale resolved this difficulty at once. He asked me to prepare a summary historical statement of the condition of the Indians up to date, and also to put down in writing how far they were prepared to go. And Gokhale said that he would admit his ignorance if anything outside this “brief” cropped up at the interview, and ceased to worry. It now only remained for me to prepare the statement and for him to read it. However it was impossible for me to narrate the vicissitudes of the Indians’ history in four colonies ranging over a period of 18 years except by writing ten or twenty pages at the least, and there was hardly left any time for Gokhale to look over it. Again there would be many questions he would like to put us after reading the paper. But Gokhale had an infinite capacity for taking pains as he had an exceptionally sharp memory. He kept himself and others awake the whole night, posted him fully on every point, and went over the whole ground again in order to make sure that he had rightly understood everything. He was at last satisfied. As for me never had any fears.”22

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “It is disconcerting to find that the Premier of the Transvaal, who had no hesitation in speaking sweetly and softly to the deputation that waited on him at the Hotel Cecil during his memorable visit to London, does not know even up to now what the real struggle of the Asiatics hinges on. He thinks, and rightly so, that there can be no excuse for the tremendous agitation carried on by the Asiatics of the Transvaal, over the question of finger-prints merely, but the belief of General Botha that the agitation is based on the objection to finger-prints only shows how helplessly ignorant he is as to the Indian attitude. The British Indian Association has promptly forwarded to General Botha some of the objections1 that were framed against the Act when it was first mooted in 1906. The gallant General has not even taken the trouble to ascertain whether it was at all possible for the British Indians of the Transvaal to engage world-wide sympathy, if their objections were confined to the giving of digit-impressions. It may be convenient for the statesmen of the Transvaal to disregard the very serious points raised by the Indian community as to their religious feelings, their status, and degrading class-legislation, but such habitual disregard can only end in more intense irritation and in stiffening the backs of the Asiatics. Theirs is now the courage of desperation. They have accustomed themselves to the idea of their all being taken away from them. It would, therefore, be wise and prudent if the Transvaal Government were, at least, to examine the Indian objections on their merits, and not shut their eyes against them.”23

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “On the occasion of General Botha’s birthday on Friday last, the Association and the Hamidia Islamic Society sent him greetings by telegram. The whites gave him rich presents. It was a sign of courtesy on the part of the Indian community to have sent the telegrams. They prove that, irrespective of whether General Botha does or does not attend to our representations, we do not forget our good manners.”24 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Though the Indian community is fighting heroically in the Transvaal, there is a secret anxiety as to what will happen in the end. Anyone who feels such anxiety must have very little faith in truth and in God. To those who feel concerned for this or any other reason, we hold up the example of the present rulers of the Transvaal. Readers will remember that, before the whites of the Transvaal were granted self-government, Mr. Lyttelton had offered them partial self-government, on the advice of Lord Milner. General Botha, General Smuts and others could have joined it. But such rights appearing insufficient, General Botha wrote to Lord Milner to say that they would not participate in his Government and that they were not satisfied with the constitution which was offered to them. This piqued Lord Milner. There was a huge meeting at the Wanderers’ Hall. Speaking at the meeting, Lord Milner held out the threat to General Botha that if the Boers did not join in running the government, it would be carried on without them. The threat did not move General Botha. The result now is that the Boers have complete self-government. Here is an example of a great boycott. Botha carried out a boycott and won. It should be noted in regard to this instance that the Boers prepared themselves for a boycott because they did not get the additional rights they had demanded. We are not asking for more rights, but are opposing the yoke of slavery that is being imposed upon us. What is there for us to be afraid of in doing so? Botha’s boycott succeeded because he had full confidence, and because he convinced Lord Milner that it was not merely an empty threat he was holding out of not participating in the government, but that he meant what he said. In our struggle, Mr. Smuts is still not convinced that the Indians are really strong enough. We hope the Indian community will take a lesson from General Botha’s example and hold out to the last.”25

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The manifesto of his party, which General Botha has issued, sets out his views about us. These are worth studying. He wants European immigration into South Africa to be encouraged and Asiatic immigration to be stopped. Dr. Jameson’s party also sets out identical views. Its manifesto states, however, that Asiatics who are already settled in South Africa should be treated well, that the question of allowing indentured labour into Natal should be carefully examined and that it should even be stopped altogether if the existing interests of the industry did not suffer thereby. Thus, the leaders of both the parties want to stop Asiatic immigration. Their manifestos, however, are couched in such terms that they will bear any interpretation that one may choose to put upon them. For us, of course, they have only one meaning, namely, that there is imminent danger to us. We may understand the view that too many Indians should not be allowed into South Africa. That is a hardship we cannot escape. When, however, we are told that we cannot enter just because we are Asiatics, it is the whole of India that is being insulted. We believe no Indian will put up with such an insult. Whatever the consequences of our refusal, we must bear them. For that, as we should like to show to every Indian, we must start preparing ourselves right now. Otherwise, steps will be taken under the Union to uproot Indians from South Africa altogether. We take this opportunity to remind Indians that the Transvaal campaign is a powerful source of strength to them. It is in their interest to see that the campaign is kept up.”26

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have sent for the English section the statements2 of General Smuts, General Botha and de Villiers bearing on this question. All three have referred to the position of minors in their speeches or written about it, but none of them has stated anywhere that a child, on attaining majority, can be expelled. General Botha, in his written statement, has mentioned that the Government had accepted the Asiatics’ demand in regard to minors. General Smuts has said the same thing in his speech. The Asiatics never, even in their dreams, thought of agreeing to the expulsion of minors, and none of the three persons mentioned above has claimed that they have so agreed. It is only now that the Transvaal Government has begun to put an arbitrary construction on the law.”27

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “If what the special correspondent of The Star says about General Hertzog’s position in the Union Cabinet, when he was still a member of it, be true, the news is disquieting. We printed, last week, the Star correspondent’s report, according to which the visit of Mr. Gokhale was a proximate cause of the rupture between Generals Botha and Hertzog, the latter wishing that Mr. Gokhale should interview him, as he was in charge of Native Affairs.1 In General Hertzog’s estimation, evidently, Natives and Asiatics should be classed together. However, General Botha’s voice prevailed. He wanted to handle Mr. Gokhale as his visit bore an Imperial significance. General Hertzog, therefore, became irritated and delivered his famous speech on Imperial responsibility, which brought about his compulsory exclusion from the Cabinet. It was no light matter for General Botha to dismiss his colleague. He has yet to reckon with Hertzogism. We may still less lightly dismiss the great General or his policy. He is still a powerful force in South African politics. He apparently represents the extreme wing of the anti-Asiatic party that would be satisfied with nothing less than our complete segregation and national humiliation. The passive resistance compromise, which almost threatens, as we hinted two weeks ago, to break down, has still to be given legal effect to. Dealers’ The Star report quoted a friend of Hertzog as having said that, since as Minister of Native Affairs, he was concerned with the Indian question, and he should receive Gokhale during his 1912 visit to South Africa. General Botha, who regarded it as an Imperial question, felt that it should be gone into by himself as Prime Minister. There then ensued a heated discussion in the cabinet; but a compromise proposal on the Indian question was adopted. The Star correspondent’s source said that General Hertzog must have had this incident in mind when he declared, in a speech at De Wild, that South Africa should come first and the Empire after. He thought that General Hertzog’s exit from the cabinet was “a culmination of the ill feeling that had existed between General Botha and General Hertzog for a considerable time.”28

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The Botha ministry has its own internal troubles owing to General Hertzog’s defection. The Star correspondent, you might have noticed in Indian Opinion, paid you a compliment by stating that General Hertzog quarreled with his brother ministers because General Botha said that, as the Indian question was an Imperial one, you should be seen not by General Hertzog but General Botha himself. These internal troubles of the Ministry have disorganized the parliament and it is highly likely that the promised legislation will again be postponed. If that happens I shall be in a quandary and may not be able to leave for India about the middle of this year.”29

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Gokhale’s interview with the ministers lasted for about two hours, and when he returned, He said, “You must return to India in a year. Everything has been settled. The Black Act will be repealed. The racial bar will be removed from the emigration law. The ˇc 3 tax will be abolished. I doubt it very much, I replied. “You do not know the ministers as I do. Being an optimist myself; I love your optimism, but having suffered frequent disappointments, I am not as hopeful in the matter as you are. But I have no fears either. It is enough for me that you have obtained this undertaking from the ministers. It is my duty to fight it out only where it is necessary and to demonstrate that ours is a righteous struggle. The promise given to you will serve as a proof of the just, of our demands and will redouble our fighting spirit if it comes to fighting after all. But I do not think I can return to India in a year and before many more Indians have gone to jail. Gokhale said: What I have told you are bound to come to pass. General Botha promised me that the Black Act would be repealed and the ˇc 3 tax abolished. You must return to India within twelve months, and I will not have any of your excuses.”30

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “There is no doubt that General Botha is a real farmer. Everyone knows that he holds land running into thousands of acres. But that would not by it make him a farmer. There is a big company in Natal which owns hundreds of thousands of acres of land; none of the members, however, is a farmer. They only want to make profits through farmers. But General Botha, it seems, lives like a farmer. He himself works on the land, is well informed about matters connected with the land and knows all about the various crops. On horses and sheep he is an expert. Besides, even his speeches touch upon the great importance of agriculture. In his heart of hearts, he seems to be convinced that South Africa’s future does not lie in its gold mines. There are some who even believe that the gold mines will be exhausted in a few years, and that Johannesburg and other cities will be reduced to the same condition as some American cities. Be that as it may, General Botha has recently made a speech which is worth noting. He has expressed himself in favour of expropriating the land of the white landlords who do not themselves work on it and transferring it to worthier hands. Of course, other whites will not allow him to take such a step and the idea will not be implemented. Nevertheless, it is valuable in itself. Botha, with his enthusiasm for agriculture, can give it a strong impetus through his influence and authority. We would like to see something of the same spirit among us. We, too, would do well to turn our minds to agriculture.”31

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Have we got a General Botha in our midst that is prepared to sacrifice 20,000 acres of his valuable property and so many thousands of his sheep? You do not know perhaps that General Botha was one of the experts of the world in knowing a good sheep from a bad sheep. He was as free with these things as he was free with his life-blood. Have we got a General Botha? Have we got a General Smuts who is just as ready to tuck up his sleeves and work underground as to shoulder his rifle when the country demanded? I feel we have. If we had not I would not place this resolution before you. I would simply retire to Sabarmati.”32 So we can say that General Botha had sympathy with Gandhiji. So he supported him in South Africa Satyagraha.

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