The Gandhi-King Community

For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Gandhian Scholar

Gandhi Research Foundation Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail- dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net;dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

 

Birla Family and Mahatma Gandhi, Part- V

 

Mahatma Gandhi behaved like a older person of Birla family. He used all his effort for progress of all member of family. Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The letter you wrote to Hanumant Sahai is perfectly correct. Neither he nor Satyavati can be recognized to represent labour unless either of them is elected by the workers. But they should get their due. This was all I meant to say and I understand that you have already taken action in this regard. I expect the whole matter to have been concluded by now. Your offer seems adequate.”211 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Chandrashanker is ill and Mahadev has gone to Poona; from there he will join me at Bangalore. I leave this place tomorrow for Bangalore. I shall be at Nandi Durg for a fortnight and then I go to Bangalore, for Vallabhbhai’s sake. Regarding Parameshwari I have already obtained Parnerkar’s opinion and shall seek some more opinions. The sanction of Rs. 10,000 from the Goseva Sangh to Parameshwari is being delayed. A meeting will have to be called as three members have voted against it. The meeting can be called only in June. There will be a further hitch on account of Parnerkar’s recent adverse opinion. No doubt, he has experience behind him, having worked for years at Sabarmati. At present he is working at Dhulia on behalf of the Goseva Sangh. Dinkar met me and I told him not to accept defeat but to go on trying to give you satisfaction. I also told him that you certainly had some doubt about his application, none about his honesty or hard work. He will come to see you and you may do what is right. I have come to like Segaon. If necessary you may come over to Bangalore where the climate is of course good.”212

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had instructed him to write only about the other buildings. You might remember that when I talked to you about my requirements I had stated the need of Rs. 1, 00,000 for the purpose of erecting the other buildings. Later I included among them also the schools already constructed although at the time of mentioning one lakh I had excluded the school, for I had planned to use the amount for the other buildings only. But the construction of the school has involved a heavy expenditure which the Sangh is unable to meet fully. I had an impression that you had already transferred some funds out of the one lakh to Bachcharaj and Co. Now I learn that nothing has been deposited there to this account. Hence I sent you a letter at Trivandrum which probably did not reach you. If any sum can be drawn now from this amount it may be done. You must have got the copy of my letter to Dr. Moonje. What has been settled with Parnerkar?”213

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Parnerkar has not come to me so far. The interview3 was all right but I see nothing hopeful in it; he will not be able to do a thing. Their policy and ours are poles apart. I firmly hold that no further overtures should be made to him. It is not correct to say that I had made any promise. Whatever I did was all worth doing. This is the reason why it was done and not because of any promise of mine. It was not in the public interest to proceed any further. I write all this in order to make things clear for the future. What can I do in connection with the elections? Yes, I can try to avoid friction within the Congress; in fact I am already engaged in this.”214

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I was about to have an attack of fever when your letter of 26th August reached me. I am now free from fever but am still confined to the hospital bed. Even then I should write to you. Thinking on objects of sense is a delusion. I have not received any divine message. If what I say does not appeal to you, you must never listen to me. If I cannot hope to persuade you by this letter and in my present condition of health, I shall certainly try to do so when we meet. Perhaps I shall succeed. Today I will only say that to me Sikhism is a part of Hinduism. But the situation is different from the legal point of view. Dr. Ambedkar wants a change of religion. If becoming a Sikh amounts to conversion, then this kind of conversion on the part of Harijans is dangerous and that too with a stroke of the pen and without the Harijans being consulted. Conversion as well as change of community can only be a personal matter. It is not so in this case. If you can persuade the Sikhs to accept that Sikhism is a part of Hinduism and if you can make them give up the separate electorate, then I will have no objection to Harijans calling them Ramanujis or Sikhs. More when I have the time.”215

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I gave three days to Parameshwari, Parnerkar, Saryuprasad, Dinkar and Dharmadhikari and talked with them to my heart’s content. They all hold different opinions. Parnerkar is not prepared to take charge of the dairies. It does not seem proper to undo Parameshwari’s sixteen years of experiments. I have not been able to reach a final decision as even the winding up of this will take two to three months. I feel that Parameshwari should be given a further Rs. 2,000 for the expenditure up to December 31. There was some talk about sowing, to which I have already agreed. He should be given Rs. 2,000 in the same manner as he was given Rs. 500 and, whatever may ultimately come about, the sum of Rs. 2,500 should be the first charge on the establishment. Meanwhile we should meet somewhere and take a final decision. I must go to Banaras on October 25.2 Jamnalalji, too, will be there. I have further advised Parameshwari to obtain the opinion of the Government expert.”216

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I become more and more convinced each day that for Harijan work in each province the necessary funds should be raised within the province. If money has to be provided by the centre to enable provinces to carry on their work, work thus accomplished cannot be enduring. We shall also not be able to gauge the feelings of the caste Hindu. Rather than we should be forced later to cut down on our work, it is better that we should recognize our limitations. What it means is that each province should now submit its budget in the light of the above and having examined these budgets we should then provide to each province such assistance as may be feasible for a year or two. I see our work purely as a religious undertaking. Expansion of the work therefore depends on our finding self-sacrificing and saintly workers. Money will go after them. They will not have to go after money. If this has not been made clear to our Council it is only unfortunate. If it is necessary that there should be a meeting of the Council at Wardha to take a final decision in the matter, such a meeting may be arranged.”217

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I understand your distress over Travancore. Rajaji too is distressed. But I cannot even think of any other course. How can I conceal my feelings when I must speak out? I am so heartily thankful that I have assumed the responsibility for having the order carried out. Now read the laws that have been enacted for temple-goers and tell me if my caution was justified or not. Do we not see everywhere that an order says one thing while the laws framed for its implementation are such as to negate it? It is not as if I was ignorant of the difficulties of the Durbar. But the knowledge should make us vigilant.”218 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am dictating this as I eat. Parameshwari Prasad has been here for the last two days. He had a talk with Jamnalalji and me. He has obtained the opinion of experts like Smith, which shows that his scheme is scientific and practicable. Go through it if you can find the time. Parameshwari Prasad suggests that all share-holders should donate their shares, thereby turning the limited company into a public association. With this donation a start would be made and public donations would be asked for the rest of the capital. Jamnalalji and I have decided to go by what you decide in the matter. Now about the loan you have advanced. I have advised that it may be treated as all other loans and that it should be repaid. Even if the whole set-up should have to be wound up, it would remain a first charge along with Nathuramji’s money. And if it turned into a public association it would perforce have to assume the responsibility for all debts. Parameshwari Prasad is going to Calcutta. He will explain the matter to you. Having heard him you will do what you think well. This has been taken down by your daughter Anasuya.”219

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I understand about Parameshwari and I have sent him a copy of your letter advising him to give up the Delhi farm. I too understand that the financial aspect is not important. The important question for me is one of honour and right judgement. I must not abuse your confidence and generosity nor permit anyone else to do so. Let us see what happens. I understand your point about Travancore. Nevertheless it was unnecessary for me to do more than I did. I express my impressions as they occur. As regards the current developments you will read what I have written in the Harijan. Thakkar Bapa writes that you are somewhat indisposed. What is it? Andy why? Dates are coming regularly and the rug has been received. It is quite warm.”220 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am glad that you liked my article this time. But the fact is that I can write only what I feel and that is as it should be. As soon as I received Ramachandran’s telegram from Travancore I felt it was my duty to go. Why not see Sir Akbar, too, as you saw the Travancore authorities? Why should we not discuss with the Viceroy and other officials the need for a law? Maybe a law is necessary to open the Guruvayur temple. What is needed is for someone to offer the advice. Will not Malaviyaji agree even now? I completely forgot about Parnerkar. I shall try to send him. I leave tomorrow for Faizpur. Parnerkar is there. I shall write to you further after seeing him. I have accepted your opinion regarding Parameshwari for I have nothing definite to suggest. I do have a feeling, thorough, that Parameshwari might be allowed to conduct his experiment by turning the present company into a public association. I think his idea of improving the breed is not ill-founded and he is interested in the work. He has also obtained favourable opinions of the other experts. My bias is certainly in his favour but how can I be certain? I know him only through you people. I do not therefore wish to do anything independently.”221

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had been hesitating to go to Travancore but it was good I did. God knows what the others got but I for one got more than money. You will find an account in Harijan. Double it and you will have an idea of what I mean. I saw the Maharaja and the Maharani. The interview was good. We talked fully and frankly. Such unprecedented awakening among Harijans, and of such a nature, would not have been possible in any other way. My belief is getting stronger that the branches can get from the centre not funds but moral support and prestige. If they are not satisfied with this they may well close down or work independently. In that eventuality we may do what we can through the agency. Those branches should be regarded useless that cannot collect funds to meet their expenditure. I feel no necessity for waiting for a year in this respect. Whatever changes in Harijan Nivas are contemplated need not be put off for a year. Why not reduce the unnecessary expenses from now? But of course Thakkar Bapa’s assent is required and Malkani too must be consulted. I am trying to draw Dinkar and have already sent a letter to him. The correspondence with Parameshwari is still continuing. I am awaiting one more letter from him and shall write to you further when I receive it. I have now agreed that he may be authorized to form a new institution and that he may do what he wants so long as our work goes on. The condition solely is that he should be able to carry on with the funds available and without seeking loans. It will be good if you can come over for a few days when you can find some time.”222

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The right hand demands rest, so I write with it only on Mondays. On the other days I dictate letters, as writing with the left hand is rather time-consuming. Parameshwari has drafted and sent a proposal which is in accordance with the opinion I have come to form regarding his future. If you have no objection please sign it and send it to me. No one knows what it will come to in the end. But this provides a good opportunity for Parameshwari to prove his mettle and he should have such opportunity. Jamnalalji’s signature has already been obtained. Parnerkar must have reached there by now. I shall recall Pandya whenever you want me to. Why should we delay any cuts in expenditure that may be considered necessary in respect of the Harijan [Sevak Sangh] central office? Of course we shall not be able to do anything that Thakkar Bapa does not approve of. If in connection with all this you consider it proper to come to Wardha on your way to Delhi, please do so.”223

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Parameshwari Prasad says that he is prepared to hand over the possession of the farm, etc., even today. He will sign the necessary documents and he can leave the farm four or five days later.”224 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “What is this! I do not in the least insist on keeping Malkani. If his leaving brings greater benefit to the Harijan Niwas it is our duty promptly to remove him from there. Hence whatever is good may be done.”225 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Regarding the mill affairs, ethics demand that the labourers should be told that unless they behave properly the mill will remain closed and no new recruits’ will be made. You can work with fresh labour only when the old lot vacate the quarters without giving trouble. I think this way is not only ethical but also economic. Do question further if this does not cover the whole problem. I go to Bardoli on the 9th and shall reach Tithal (Bulsar) on the 12th. The Working Committee of the Harijan Sevak Sangh can meet at Tithal.”226 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “We may not make light of the matter. It is serious enough in Bapu’s opinion, and will need a considerable amount of propaganda. But it is clear that we may not finance it. This sort of spoon feeding cannot last long. However Bapu thinks you may ask Parameswaran Pillai to submit you a detailed budget. We can then examine it and be in a better position to decide. We shall expect you here on the 20th.”227

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Bapu read both the letter and the enclosure and said you are wrong in thinking as you seem to do with The Statesman that he is now making an additional demand. He has made Government’s work definitely easier by making the Congress demand free from ambiguity and no one can now say as Lord Zetland has done that if an assurance were given it would lead to endless discussions about interpretation and allegations of breach of faith. If the bare assurance that Bapu has now reduced the Congress demand to be granted, there will be no questions of interpretation and no fear of breach of faith. I am surprised that you do not see this. You seem to have read more meaning in my sentence than I had meant. I meant to say that if the speech had been made two months ago it would have gone a long way in bringing about an understanding. That is to say, from that statement to the assurance asked for by Bapu would have been a very easy step. He has publicly recognized the conciliatory tone in which the speech was couched, but it leaves him enough loop-hole to say that he meant nothing more than is laid down in the Government of India Act. They must be prepared to face the fact that a new convention is being asked for by the party commanding the biggest majority in the country and it must be given. Lord Lothian’s letter5 contains nothing new. He wrote a much longer letter to Bapu on similar lines. But more when we meet.”228

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “As regards the money I have had the intimation from Bachharaj and Co. almost a lakh will go to the Village Industries Association. What you give for my personal expenses is of course additional. I used to obtain through Braj Mohan passages in cargo-boats for the European workers bound for England. He is not there at present. Whom should I write to in Calcutta? Or will you yourself enquire if an Englishwoman can be accommodated in one of the cargo-boats?”229 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had no time to write nor had I any inclination. What could I write? The situation was changing and developing every moment. It did not seem proper to write anything in such circumstances. It was imperative to write to others so that their replies could weigh with me as far as possible. I cannot specify the impression your letters made on me. But I can assert that the letters received from there did not influence me as much as happenings here. It may be said that my condition was like that of a woman in labour. She cannot give expression to all the turmoil taking place within her. Now we know all that happened. Let me state this much that whatever Jawaharlal said and did in the Working Committee was marvellous. Even otherwise he held a high place in my esteem but now he has risen still higher. The beauty of it is that it is so in spite of our continuing difference of opinion. The real difficulty starts now. It is good that the future depends upon our strength, truth, courage, firmness, hard work and duty. What you are doing is right. Let the authorities there understand that there is no ‘padding’ in the decision of the Working Committee. Every word is significant and everything will be acted upon. After all, what has been done has been done in the name of God, with the utmost faith in Him. I hope you are well. Remain so.”230

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have carefully gone through it. I feel that there is nothing for me or the Congress to say in this matter. That is to say that none of you should take any step having regard to my approval or disapproval, as your viewpoint and mine are quite different. The stand I took in Lancashire during the Round Table Conference still holds good, for I cannot see any economic agreement independent of political issues. The fact that you people are members of the Pact Committee only means that you no longer have the right to raise political issues. Hence treating this issue as totally independent you must concentrate only on its own merits or otherwise. And what can I say about either? My opinion would most probably coincide with yours. Moreover, I believe that it is your duty to adopt this course. If necessary, you may say that in spite of that being your opinion on the merits and demerits, it need not be given much weight. Since the Congress is the only popular institution, it is necessary that whatever agreement is reached should have the seal of the Congress. And that agreement should be considered binding. This would prove your integrity and sense of justice. I am dictating this letter after the morning prayers. Your trip to Zurich must have proved beneficial.”231

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “My mind can work in one direction only. I do not know how I can be of help. What opinion can I form on a matter I know nothing about? Hence I would only suggest that you do what is in the interest of India irrespective of the opinion of Congressmen. Rest assured that the Congress will have to accept what is for the country’s good. And its prestige will suffer in rejecting it. The Congress has no other capital except its prestige which in turn depends upon the following of the poor millions. Thus the welfare of India means simply the economic, intellectual and moral welfare of its millions. I have said nothing new but at times such pronouncements of principle are most effective when made by a friend. One can say my health is quite good. A little weakness is there but it will disappear. There is no need for a change. But it will automatically be brought about if the trip to the Frontier Province materializes. For one thing the climate there is good and fruit, etc., are available in plenty. You must be building up your health. The operation must have been of considerable help.”232

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The Birla Brothers will, whether with or without the help of friends, provide Rs. 1,000 per month, Rs. 800 being for the school of Indology and Rs. 200 per month for Nandababu’s art school, as long as these departments continue satisfactorily.”233 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “What you say is correct from the economic point of view; but I look at it, and I ought to look at it, as a purely political issue. We cannot enter into any agreement with Lancashire which will bind us to buy their cloth. The argument that Lancashire cloth is bound to come here anyway is irrelevant. There has been no change in the Congress position, as it has always been explained to the people, as regards Lancashire cloth. I think, therefore, that we cannot enter into the sort of agreement you suggest.”234

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I understand your point. It is also correct. Do give your approval, looking at it purely from the economic point of view. My point was that in case you wanted Congress approval later on, you would not get it. After all, economic and political interests should not be at variance. There is no difference between them. The rulers have taught us the difference. I shall need Rs. 50,000 for rural education and maybe an equal amount for the A.I.V.I.A. The burden of the Harijan Sevak Sangh is already there. This needs to be discussed further. I hope Brijmohan is well and so is Krishna.”235 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Go through this and give me your opinion. I do not wish to use the money received from you on such matters without your approval. And it might not even be possible to divert such a large amount considering the expenditures I am incurring these days. Anyway, I want your free opinion about it. Dr. Shaukat has nothing at present. Begum Ansari owns some rural property over which Dr. Ansari’s brother has staked a claim. Nobody wants to help Harold except Shaukat and Dr. Ansari’s daughter Zohra. Ansari of course was always giving him money. I am not very clear what it would be best to do. You should write to me unreservedly.”236

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I only wanted to have your reaction. All money needed for the boy3 will be provided by Bhopal. The matter was weighing very heavily on my heart. Yes, anarchy in the Congress seems to be on the increase. I am doing and will continue to do my utmost to check it, but the results rest with God. Anyway, the outcome can be nothing but good if our efforts are pure. The news about Viyogi Hari has made me very happy. The weather here is very bad these days. You should come and stay for a while in Segaon when it gets better. Jamnalalji’s cottage is quite good.”237 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “These two temples have been constructed at the instance of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and are the result of the munificence of the House of Birla’s, principally of Shri Jugal Kishore Birla who is particularly inclined in this direction. It would have been in the fitness of things if the temples had been opened by Malaviyaji who inspired their construction. But as he is not here, it has fallen to my lot to perform the ceremony.”238

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I share your unhappiness. I am confident that nothing less can satisfy us on this occasion. I see no defect in my scheme. It is for their good also. Their unwillingness proves that they do not like independence for India. The report about the Princes is intolerable. Who told you that I do not wish to see them? I shall meet them at the slightest hint. The fact is they do not want to see me.”239 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “All of you must naturally be very sad at Sumitra’s death. Still, do not such occasions serve to test our wisdom and faith? I trust you will all pass the test. Europe is now an arena of bloody strife. Be that as it may. I have hardened my heart.”240 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am enclosing Bal’s letter. He intended to send it direct. I said if he insisted on sending it I would rather sent it I. But attach no special significance to my sending it.”241

“I understand about Bal. You may bring the children whenever you like. The days are hot but the nights have become pleasant.”242 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The Birla family has been running an institution called the Birla College at Pilani in Jaipur State. I have been often asked to visit it, but in spite of my keen desire to do so I have never been able to find time for it. Thakkar Bapa visited the institution and gave me a glowing account and pressed me to visit it. Seth Ghanshyamdas Birla has now issued a booklet to acquaint the public about the origin and growth of the institution. The object is to invite criticism and to present the public with its novel features may be for adoption. The writer has lavished on the booklet all his art of writing, aided by fine printing, beautiful illustrations alluringly arranged, making the whole thing very attractive. For two months Mahadev waited for a suitable opportunity to place it before me, and imagining that I should have some spare time on our journey to Simla he ventured to give it to me on the train. The moment I took it up to read, it gripped me. It is a quarto size booklet of 47 pages, and I could not give it up until I had read it from cover to cover.

 I would ask all interested in education to write for it to the Secretary of the Birla College, Pilani. A brief history of the enterprise may be given here. The institution has grown out of a small school called Birla Pathshala opened 40 years ago in an insignificant little building. Now it is an institution with an intermediate College, splendid buildings for school, college and hostels, and vast playgrounds. It has 33 staff quarters, and 5 hostels accommodating 295 students (including 27 Harijan). There are 18 playgrounds, a library with 3,608 Hindi and 6,772 English books. There is high school with 791 boys, a college with 165 boys, and a girl’s school with 157 girls. The Birla Educational Trust runs besides 128 village schools with 4,636 boys and 200 girls. Physical instruction and games are compulsory, and so is music. There is an agricultural farm with a dairy on modern lines. Among the crafts and vocations taught are spinning and weaving, carpentry, tailoring, dyeing, printing, book-binding, weaving, carpet-making, shoe-making and leather-work.

 The agricultural farm and dairy have numerous cows, sheep and goats. The basic education scheme is also being given a trial. Hardly anything has escaped the attention of those in charge prayer, intellectual and industrial training, balanced diet, health examination and health preservation. An endeavour is made to develop individual contact between the students and teachers on a family basis. The whole institution has grown out of Seth Shivnarayanji Birla’s desire to provide for the education of his two grandsons Rameshwardas and Ghanshyamdas. He did not like the provision to be confined to the needs of his grandsons, and so he established a school in 1900 with a village teacher on Rs. 5 a month for all the children of the village. This was called the Birla Pathshala—the seed out of which has grown the vast tree that the institution now has become. It combines family interests with philanthropy which has now become a distinctive trait of the Birla brothers. But Ghanshyamdas, of all the brothers, made a special interest of education, health and kindred topics, and the growth of the institution at Pilani is mainly due to his perseverance, resourcefulness and interest in education. Sir Maurice Gayer and other distinguished people have visited the institution and spoken in high terms about it. Ghanshyamdasji’s ambition is to make a Degree College of the Intermediate College, and he has been trying to do so for some years. But things move slowly in Princes’ India, and so his ambition still remains unfulfilled, it is hoped that the Jaipur State will lose no time in encouraging this worthy enterprise and accord permission to turn it into a full-fledged college. In my opinion there are few institutions in India run with such care and attention. If we assume the necessity for modern colleges, the Birla College has succeeded in combining several features which are scarcely to be seen elsewhere in India.”243

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I liked your article very much. I gave it to Krishnadas. His reply is not as good. You may, however, read it and reply to it when you have the time. Harijan Sevak is now closed. But what do I care? I am seeking truth. I had not imagined that Harijan Sevak and other journals would have to be closed down so soon. But are not the ways of governments also inscrutable?”244 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I was with Gandhiji at Wardha for two days, that is, on the 18th and the 19th December. . . . I asked him what his next plan was. He has already informed the Viceroy of it. The next stage will continue for another three months. During that period nearly 10,000 persons will be in. All names will be properly scrutinized. “What after that?” I asked.

GANDHIJI: There is to be no stage after that. It will continue indefinitely and I will send in as many as I can. Sometimes I get a little worried about the mentality of our young men. I know they are impatient. They might do something stupid. Communism appeals to youth, unfortunately. I replied that in the past whenever Satyagraha was in the field, communism disappeared for the time being only to reappear after its suppression. He agreed. He is anxious to send Mahadev in. I tried to persuade him not to send Mahadev. Gandhiji will be virtually a cripple without him. Mahadev very strongly feels that his absence may be harmful for Gandhiji’s health. Pyarelal is already in. Therefore Mahadev thinks he must be kept out. But Gandhiji disagrees:

It is a movement of self-purification, not for embarrassing anyone. As such, I must sacrifice my best. I needed Mahadev out for various other noble missions. This has enhanced his value further. But all the more reason, therefore, for sending him in since the sacrifice will be still greater. I then related to him how I was told in Bombay that Sardar Patel and others in Yeravda were quite cheerful and comfortable. I told him that there was too much restriction about interviews about which I had spoken to the Governor of Bombay. He was glad to hear that they were all comfortable. Devdas at this stage pointed out those things in Madras were different. Rajaji was locked up at night. Interviews were not allowed to last more than 20 minutes. And the C.I.D. remained present at the time of interviews. I said, I would bring this matter to the notice of H.E. but Gandhiji said, there was not much to complain against. After all, jail was jail and one could not expect much while in. If all kinds of freedom were allowed, then there would be no imprisonment in a sense. All said, he thought, Government was fighting in a gentlemanly way. I was glad to hear this tribute to the Government. Good relation is a great thing and its value can never be over-estimated. I gave my impression of the Viceroy’s speech. Devdas at this stage read H.E.’s Calcutta speech to Gandhiji who had not yet read it fully. He listened to it very carefully. After Devdas finished the reading, I asked Gandhiji what his reaction to it was. Gandhiji said, it was very cordial, but no advance. He related some of his old talks with the Viceroy and then remarked: But the Viceroy believes very strongly in his own views. I could never dislodge him from his own position. I then told him what I had suggested to Sir Roger Lumley.

 Here is the gist: Referring to the failure of an agreement, I said, I felt that to a great extent the failure might be attributed to mutual misunderstanding. Perhaps it was due to this reason that Gandhiji had to write to Lord Irwin when he went to negotiate a pact with him: “I want to see Irwin the man.” . . . With reference to the offer of Dominion Status . . . Mr. Amery’s speech on the Viceroy’s statement has created an impression that since so many conditions were attached to the offer, it was impossible of achievement. One could even reconcile to separation, but it was difficult to reconcile to a position which implies no advance until Muslims gave their consent. . . . Discussing the solution for ending the present impasse, I suggested immediate expansion of the Viceroy’s Council by taking in men who were neither Congressmen nor League men but who would command respect. . . . I gave a few names and said could give more. I told Gandhiji that in my opinion such an expansion would be useful in more than one way. It should definitely end the deadlock. I argued that even if we got national government, Congress would not associate itself with war efforts unless it was prepared again to give up Gandhiji’s leadership. But giving up Gandhiji’s leadership once more may not now be possible for the Congress. Therefore, for all practical purposes, Congress may be ruled out even for a national government. On different grounds, perhaps the League also could be ruled out. But why wait only for these two parties? If Government, as is suggested, were really anxious about their efforts to lead India towards her goal, then why not begin? I admitted that the success of this scheme depended on the selection of really good men, who though might not command the confidence of the Congress or the League but who at least command respect not only of these two political parties but of the country at large. In the second place all the important portfolios like Law and Order, Commerce, Finance, War Supplies, Defence, Railways, etc., were transferred to these men.

 Gandhiji’s reaction was not unsatisfactory. He said, he would appreciate this provided Government at the Centre was made virtually a representative government. It may not be responsible but the men so chosen should at least be of a representative character. He realized the difficulty of getting independent men from outside the two parties, but I gave him a few names and he thought they may not be a bad selection. He agreed that in view of the war exigencies His Majesty’s Government would not be able at this stage to go beyond this and he would not quarrel if they did not go beyond this. I, of course, was assuming that no Executive Council composed of such men could afford to keep political leaders in jail, nor could they afford to shut their mouth. Smuts could not shut the mouth of Hertzog and yet war effort of South Africa continued. Similarly, war efforts in India could continue with greater force under my plan. They would definitely be accelerated. Freedom of speech will be there, but once the freedom is given I am sure it will not be abused. Devdas was not prepared for Gandhiji’s good reaction. For clarification, he intervened: “What of the war effort? Will it continue? And will the Congress tolerate it?”

Gandhiji said: Yes, they will. Even today they do. It will all be voluntary. There will be no coercion. And freedom of speech will have been allowed. After all, the main idea of the Congress is not to allow the civil population to become war-minded. It is not desired that Government should be embarrassed. Besides, even today the whole country is not anti-war-minded. There are people who sincerely believe in waging war. The mission of the Congress is only to educate people. If the Congress could at any time make the whole nation unaware minded, who could force them to fight? But today it is not so. Therefore why should we grudge war-minded people associating with war? I pointed out that such a Cabinet may also be able to build a bridge between Hindus and Muslims and also could do the spade work for setting the stage for Constitution-making after the war. He said: Yes, perhaps. I asked him if there was no danger that the freedom of speech granted by a representative government may be abused. He did not think so. But at the same time he said that the law was there to punish any such violation. Congress would not tolerate any abuse on the part of its people. The question of provinces would still remain unsettled but perhaps the lull would give us a breathing ground for the next step, I suggested why not cry a halt for six weeks before taking the next step? But the next step is already taken. It could, of course, be stopped, if so desired by the Government.”245

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Though Kanti’s letter is simple, it is against our policy. So I did not like it. But how am I to check him? Your sending money is all right.”246 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “My going there will serve no purpose and may even be harmful. It is Harmful because, if my visit results in failure, it may add to our disappointment. As it is, my meeting with Qaid-e- Azam appears to be impossibility. But I have encouraged Rajaji to a great extent. He will of course try. We shall see what the result is. I think an agreement is not likely. We should do what we can without it. Inaction on our part in the hope of an agreement may result in serious harm. I am of the opinion that fruitful efforts can be made outside an agreement. I hear your experiment is progressing well.”247 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Today I finished reading your article on the economic condition of India. I liked it very much. To do justice to it, a gist should be given in the beginning. There should be more of such articles, and they should be printed in pamphlet form and translated. If it is necessary to go to Bihar, I am fully prepared. I read again about Schuster, etc. I do not feel there is any need for suggestions from here. We should put our own house in order and clean it. Time is on our side. They have to move forward. We must secure control over things. At least freedom of speech and the Press should be allowed and the detenus should be released. Even communists should not be detained without trial.”248

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “We should not even think of such things. I would do nothing here. Yes, in the end everything will be as God ordains. Then why should we worry? We should take necessary precaution and give up fear. I do not feel satisfied by keeping Gorkha watchmen and so on. We may keep them but at the same time give up all fear, and learn to defend ourselves through violence or non-violence. We would perish if we depended on others. People are cowardly, and that is why they are scared by such things; and there are lots of people in the world to scare them. On this occasion my advice to you is to give up all fear, and tell others also to do so. Such disturbances will go on and will increase. They can die out if Hindus become brave in the true sense. Such bravery cannot be gained in a day or two. We can be secure if we understand the situation and face it. It hurts me that our people even give up their moral stand. How can the weak maintain their moral position? Mahadev will be reaching Delhi.”249

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The letter has had no effect on me because I did not find anything new in it. If I had written anything about that, I would have given them another chance to tell lies, and it would have been of no use. The principle is that except for doing our own duty we should not bother about anything else. But my unwillingness had nothing to do with the principle. I am glad to know that there is no atmosphere of fear in Calcutta. It would be very satisfying if at the back of this fearlessness is a restraint in taking revenge. Perhaps the riots, etc., will increase but it will be good if neither party goes beyond limits; any other course would do no good to the country. From today there is a change in the weather. A cool breeze has started.”250 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I think something still remains to be done. There is no particular need for you to come. Come when you have the leisure. My blessings are to be taken for granted for all noble work.”251

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I got Hanumanprasadji’s letter through ‘M’ day before yesterday. The incident is sad. I am clear in my mind that Raghavadas could be free of his weakness only by admitting fully the mistakes committed. Without such purification he is likely to do only harm. He is a good man; so without such admission the harm would be greater. One sign of goodness owns a mistake openly. For a satyagrahi there is no other course. So the first thing to do is to find out some nice reliable person who would talk to him. I got the cutting you sent.”252 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Do not leave the place till you are completely restored. It is perfectly all right that you interpreted my letter as referring to you. I however know from my own experience as well as from others’ that one stands to gain a lot by accepting one’s mistakes. This is pure practical wisdom. In account books we proceed after correcting a mistake, if any; the same applies to our moral accounts.”253

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I clean forgot the matter concerning Sircar. Today I have sent a telegram1; it would have reached in time. I believe he as well as we shall stand to lose if we invite him. If his love is true it would endure. The public will not be able to understand his acceptance of office in Government. Therefore from every point of view it would be better if he did not receive public acclamation, but continued to lend prestige to their administration in the eyes of the public. It is true that we accept help from everyone but there is always a limit. I hope your health is improving.”254 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am in agreement with your scheme. If there are six such organizations, they are bound to do some good. I also feel that for the present we cannot dispense with the matriculation examination. At the same time my opinion is that our curriculum should be such that the boys who reach the high school stage should have gained adequate knowledge which would enable them to find occupations or jobs when they leave school. The main point is that I like the thing and it can be given practical shape.”255

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Jamnalal leaves everything to you. He thinks that I should be taken to other places too. I do not want to go to Ahmadabad. I may go if I am invited. I should be taken only to places from where we hope to collect funds. Jamnalal thinks that this is the season when rich people stay in their homes. I do not insist that I should begin [my tour] in the middle of this month either from Delhi or Pilani. Do what is right. You will meet Mahadev and decide in consultation with him.”256 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Seth Ghanshyamdas Birla, President of the Harijan Sevak Sangh, writes: We are thinking of establishing a few residential schools mainly for educating Harijan boys, though not exclusively. So far, whenever we have talked of Harijan hostels or schools, we have there by meant cheap schools or cheap hostels conducted by ill-educated and ill-paid teachers and wardens with boys half-starved. So long as we educate Harijans or children of poor parents in these cheap institutions, the boys will never succeed in shedding the inferiority complex from which they often suffer. And what will they learn from these unqualified and ill-paid teachers? These boys never get the opportunity to mix with the other boys. The harm due to this lack of contact between the poor and the well-to-do or between Harijans and Savarnas is mutual. I therefore propose that we should have a few residential schools established in pleasing environment. They should be of a standard that would compare favorably in every respect with a well-conducted public school. We should start a few such schools first of all as a trial. They should be of the matriculation standard and affiliated to a university.

 They should, of course, be mostly residential. Personal attention to students should be a specialty. Education should be imparted through the medium of the mother tongue. English should be taught as a second language. During the period of this education, the boys should be taught useful handicrafts chosen for their educative value. In order to make this education thorough and self-sufficient, we should take two years more than the time needed for the matriculation examination. These two years should be utilized in giving extra training to the boys besides what they learn for the matriculation course. We propose to have three crafts, one of which will be taken up by every boy at his option. These will be: Either (1) Carding, Spinning, Weaving, Dyeing and Bleaching; or (2) Carpentry and Smithy; or (3) Paper-making, Book-binding, and Ordinary Composing. It is intended to employ a superior staff, adequately paid, to ensure good qualifications. The underlying idea is that the boys may not feel they want of a college education. There will be no bar to such. The boys, it is hoped, will not find it difficult to earn an honest livelihood after finishing the course. It will be the duty of the Board to accommodate such boys as may like to be. Besides the university course and craft, special attention will be given to increasing their general knowledge and hygiene. Music games, exercises, riding, swimming, etc., should be taught. Religious or moral training should not be neglected.

 Equal respect for all religions should be inculcated, along with a good grounding in the principles of Hinduism and the peculiar beauties of our own culture. Half the number of the students should be Harijans who would have free education and free boarding and lodging. The other half of the students, i.e., Savarnas, should be charged fees. This is a very rough and brief outline of my idea of a good high school. But there is difference amongst us about this outline. Some say: Why should we have the matriculation course? Others say: We should not undertake costly education as this will be a bad example to set. It is argued that we may employ most qualified men, but only if they come on a bare maintenance and out of a spirit of sacrifice. In other words, in their opinion, in this school there would be no room for teachers other than those prepared to lead a simple life of sacrifice. Some go to the extent of saying that we should rather have no school than start one which is not manned by a highly self-sacrificing staff. I consider all this unpractical. I need not give my arguments. They are obvious. Will you express your views on this question? I whole-heartedly support Seth Ghanshyamdas’s scheme. The arguments advanced in opposition seem to be based more on caution than on principle. I too should side with the opposition, if the scheme was to be financed out of the meager funds of the Harijan Board. But I assume that the model schools would be financed by special donations enough to guarantee their full working. Having lived in South Africa for twenty years where every Indian is treated almost as a pariah, I know how sensitive the mind becomes under unnatural treatment. I took some time to regain my balance though I never lost the sensitiveness. I felt that I was a strange creature in the company of the general body of Europeans. The plight of Harijans in India is much worse because of their much greater ignorance and still greater poverty. Therefore, if we are to break down the double complex, we have to bring up a fair number of Harijan lads in surroundings in no way inferior to those that are available to the well-to-do class boys.

 The scheme under examination does not contemplate the production of clerks who would be too big for their boots and who would be naturally discontented because no one would have them as clerks. Boys trained under the scheme would be in no way inferior in knowledge to the other matriculates. But these will be better placed because their bodies will be specially looked after and their hands will have their cunning fully developed. Such boys will have their future assured. They will have self-confidence. They will not be torn from their kith and kin; on the contrary, they will be expected to serve fellow Harijans and give them benefit of the teaching they have received. It may be objected that I am inconsistent in that I have written and spoken to the present system of education. The objection would be superficial. In the first place, the worst features of the system will be eliminated in that the training will be in the mother tongue and the boys will be taught handicrafts which should enable them to earn an independent and decent living. Secondly, an objection that may be applicable to boys who can be better educated cannot be held well in the case of boys who have no choice and who smart under the knowledge that they cannot have the education that thousands of boys have simply because they are not Harijans. I would not insult Harijan lads by arguing with them that what the thousands of non-Harijan lads are doing is wrong, and that therefore they had better be satisfied with the shanties which Seth Ghanshyamdas has referred to in his letter. I plump for his scheme. I wish him all success. The sooner it is launched, the better for Harijans and better for India. These schools will be potent instruments for exorcising the demon of untouchability.”257

 

 

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Please don’t worry about Mahadev. He is all right. He must have rest. Mental peace is absolutely essential for him. I do not wish to send him out for the time being. I hope your experiment is going on well. How about your weight and strength? What did you do about what I wrote to you regarding Jamnalalji?”258 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have relieved Vaidyaraj today. I had kept him for so many days in order to console Ba. Now that Ba has also agreed. I am relieving him. I hope the work did not suffer. After keeping him here for so long it appears pointless to say this. But it is not so, because it makes one cautious for the future. I should have made prior enquiries whether the work in the dispensary was likely to suffer. I did ask you but that was just by the way. Now it is a thing of the past. Narayandas is a gentleman. Were you affected by the heat outside or the internal heat? Whatever it be, it is good you have reduced the quantity of butter. It has to be reduced during summer. Whether it is due to the weather or the heat in your system the quantity of leafy vegetables, carrots, onion, knoll-Cole and celery should be increased. Out of these lettuce leaves and celery are the best.”259

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The Vaidya did take great pains but Ba could not get the desired relief. Now a naturopath has come. He has many faults, but he has some knowledge. Today is the fourth day [of his treatment] and Ba is feeling better. For three days he made her vomit with akda1 milk, which removed the phlegm, and she felt some relief. I will write about the policy regarding. Can I send someone to the Nasik sanatorium, that is, is accommodation usually available? If it remains full I do not want any special arrangement to be made. I do not wish to trouble Bhaiji to come here specially. I shall be glad, however, if he comes of his own accord.”260

 

 

References:

 

  1. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, December 5, 1935
  2. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, May 7, 1936
  3. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, July 4, 1936
  4. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, August 7, 1936
  5. LETTER TO JUGAL KISHORE BIRLA, September 7, 1936
  6. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, September 20, 1936
  7. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, September 21, 1936
  8. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, November 28, 1936
  9. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, December 2, 1936
  10. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, December 11, 1936
  11. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, December 18, 1936
  12. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, January 25, 1937
  13. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, February 7, 1937
  14. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, March 22, 1937
  15. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, April 2, 1937
  16. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, May 2, 1937
  17. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, May 13, 1937
  18. LETTER TO G.D. BIRLA, May 14, 1937
  19. LETTER TO RAMESHWARDAS BIRLA, June 25, 1937
  20. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, July 18, 1937
  21. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, August 18, 1937
  22. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, August 25, 1937
  23. LETTER TO RABINDRANATH TAGORE, November 6, 1937
  24. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, After April 17, 1938
  25. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, April 25, 1938
  26. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, August 12, 1938
  27. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, August 26, 1938
  28. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS, March 18, 1939
  29. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, March 17, 1940
  30. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, May 21, 1940
  31. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, May 30, 1940
  32. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, June 4, 1940
  33. Harijan, 28-7-1940
  34. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, October 26, 1940
  35. DISCUSSION WITH G. D, December 18/19, 1940
  36. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, February 10, 1941
  37. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, March 1, 1941
  38. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, May 5, 1941
  39. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, May 31, 1941
  40. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, June 4, 1941
  41. LETTER TO JUGALKISHORE BIRLA, September 2, 1941
  42. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, September 12, 1941
  43. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, September 21, 1941
  44. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, September 25, 1941
  45. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, September 26, 1941
  46. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, October 2, 1941
  47. Harijan, 22-2-1942
  48. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, March 1, 1942
  49. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, March 5, 1942
  50. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA, March 15, 1942

 

 

 

 

 

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