For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Cabinet Mission and Mahatma Gandhi

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Senior Gandhian Scholar, Professor, Editor and Linguist

Gandhi International Study and Research Institute, Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail- dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net;

dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

Mailing Address- C- 29, Swaraj Nagar, Panki, Kanpur- 208020, Uttar Pradesh, India

Cabinet Mission and Mahatma Gandhi

If you are anxious to contribute towards the success of these talks, I have a suggestion for you. We have been under foreign domination for many years. You must all pray to God to deliver us from political bondage. God alone can help us nobody can help neither you nor Englishmen. Let us pray to God guide our talks and grant wisdom to all those participating in them, including the members of the Mission for carrying the talks to a successful termination. It is essential at this stage to invoke the help of God. We want the attainment of freedom by peaceful means. God will be our guide and witness in our efforts towards that end. It is unmanly to disbelieve the Cabinet Mission. We must believe that the Mission has come in good faith. They will not betray us. May God give them and us wisdom, and may He be with us in this important task. 1 Many foreign and local newspaper reporters have been good enough to come to me to ask questions on the topic of the day. A newspaper man myself, I can sympathize with their desire. But they should sympathize and co-operate with me in the delicate mission of adviser to the Cabinet Mission when I tell them that I cannot be advising and broadcasting to the world on the matters covered by my advice. Such a course is calculated to defeat the purpose in view. Anyway these friends will attribute my silence not to any discourtesy on my part but to my desire for successful termination of the labours of the Cabinet Mission. 2

Why have I recalled these incidents? Not to stir up bitter old memories or to keep alive the embers of hatred, but only to emphasize the distinction between the old order which they symbolized and the new that is in sight. I have not the slightest doubt as to the bona fides of the Cabinet Mission. I am convinced that they have finally made up their mind to withdraw in toto. The question which is exercising their mind is how to affect the withdrawal in an orderly manner and to that end their energies are bent. This is not the occasion to rake up old sores. Gentlemanliness requires that if a person is sincerely trying to make amends, he should be thanked and congratulated for it, not that his past should be flung in his face. 3 If the Cabinet Mission ‘delivers the goods’, India will have to decide whether attempting to become a military power she would be content to become, at least for some years, a fifth-rate power in the world without a message in answer to the pessimism described above, or whether she will by further refining and continuing her non-violent policy prove herself worthy of being the first nation in the world using her hard-won freedom for the delivery of the earth from the burden which is crushing her in spite of the so-called victory. 4

I do not propose to say anything here about the Cabinet Mission. And I would like you, too, for your part, to repress your curiosity about it. Let us all mutely watch and pray. As I told the people, who attended the evening prayer gathering at Delhi yesterday, the Cabinet Mission will not be able to go beyond what is warranted by our strength. We shall be fools to think otherwise. Even if they tried to go beyond, it would only cause us surfeit and we would not be able to take advantage of it. Therefore, even if the Mission should prove in fructuous I would not blame them for it. Rather I would blame us for our weakness. It would enable us to measure our strength. By strength I mean non-violent strength. We are pledged to gain swaraj non-violently. Many people today share the belief, and I am one of them, that this time the Cabinet Mission will do the right thing by India and that the British power would finally and completely be withdrawn. Time alone will show how far this belief is justified. 5 It should not be so. All should be same to one who has surrendered his all to God. My Ramanama will be vain repetition and I would be a wretched guide for the Congress, the Cabinet Mission and others, if I allowed that feeling of attachment to weigh with me. If they follow my advice it might be like a plunge in the dark. As seasoned politicians they cannot afford to take that risk. My guidance must, therefore, be unalloyed. 6

I have come here to advise the Congress and I am well aware of the fact that the Congress has always respected and listened to my counsel. If the Muslim League seeks my advice I shall gladly give it to them. I have to guide the Cabinet Mission as well. I know my task is difficult and equally arduous is the task of the Congress and the Muslim League. But the task of the Cabinet Mission is even more difficult. There are a few persons who are suspicious of the Cabinet Mission and who are afraid that the Mission might betray us. In my opinion it is quite wrong to think so. I have faith in the sincerity of the Cabinet Mission and in their avowed intention of giving up power. 7 The British Cabinet Mission has declared their intention to withdraw British rule from India. It is my firm conviction that it should and will be withdrawn. There is no cause at all for us to despair. Freedom is our life’s breath and no other power can exercise that freedom on our behalf. We must, therefore, prepare ourselves for freedom. How we should do so, I have been telling you in the course of the talks here. So far we have been fighting for freedom with God as sustenance and support. Only with His help can we attain our freedom and preserve it. 8

After four days of searching examination of the State Paper issued by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy on behalf of the British Government, my conviction abides that it is the best document the British Government could have produced in the circumstances. It reflects our weakness, if we would be good enough to see it. The Congress and the Muslim League did not, could not agree. We would grievously err if at this time we foolishly satisfy ourselves that the differences are a British creation. The Mission have note come all the way from England to exploit them. They have come to devise the easiest and quickest method of ending British rule. We must be brave enough to believe their declaration until the contrary is proved. Bravery thrives upon the deceit of the deceiver. 9

As long as there is life there is hope too. It is easy to destroy but to build is a slow and laborious process. Besides, the prestige of the Cabinet Mission is at stake. They cannot afford a breakdown. If the aim of all the three parties, the Congress, the Muslim League and the Mission is the same, viz., the independence of India, the present dialogue should not end in failure. But we must be patient. The independence of 400 million is no conjurer’s trick. The fact that the Congress Working Committee even at this stage is giving it the most serious consideration shows how anxious it is to avoid a breakdown, if it is humanly possible without sacrificing honour or the interests of India’s dumb millions. If, however, in spite of our efforts to avoid it the talks in the end do break down, we should not despair. Those who have faith in God will leave the result to Him. In the event of a breakdown I shall report it to you without reservation and in the plainest of words. 10 What is surprising is that instead of following the democratic procedure of inviting the one or the other party to form a national government, the Viceroy and the Cabinet Mission have decided to impose a government of their choice on the country. The result may well be an incompatible and explosive mixture. There are, however, two ways of looking at a picture. You can look upon it from the bright side or you can look upon it from the dark. 11

Whatever the Cabinet Mission may say or write it will remain in their mouths or on the printed paper. They have opened here a Reform Office. Whatever they do and the interpretation they put will be final. The Government office not being in your hands you cannot have control over it. You should consider all this. You should do nothing in haste. I shall be meeting them today or tomorrow after which I shall be able to enlighten you as I shall be better informed. Today’s interview has not produced a good impression on my mind. Because of my silence I could not myself ask questions. So I do not blame these people. I am in a very delicate position. I see darkness where four days ago I saw light. 12 Because I was loyal to my friends. I wanted to retain my faith in the bona fides of the Cabinet Mission. So I told the Cabinet Mission also about my misgivings. I said to me, ‘Supposing they meant ill, they would feel ashamed. 13

What senseless violence does is to prolong the lease of the life of British or foreign rule. I believe that the authors of the State Paper issued by the Cabinet Mission desire peaceful transfer of power to representative Indian hands. But if we need the use of the British gun and bayonet, the British will not go or, if they do, some other foreign power will take their place. We will make a serious mistake, if, every time the British bayonet is used, we trot out the agent provocateur. No doubt he has been at work. Let us not ride that horse to death. 14 You were good enough to explain to me at length the result so far of your effort at peace-making between the Congress and the Muslim League. In the course of our conversation you told me that your leanings were towards the League. In your opinion there was left only one point of difference between the two parties, viz., and the question of representation of a non-League Muslim out of the Congress quota. You recognized fully the reasonableness of the Congress position but you held that it would be an act of high statesmanship if the Congress waived the right for the sake of peace. I urged that if it was a question of waiving a right it would be a simple thing. It was a question of nonperformance of a duty which the Congress owed to non-League Muslims.

I entirely agreed with you on the proposition that it would be a great day if and when the Congress and the Muslim League came to a mutual understanding without reservations, mental or otherwise, and that it would be worse than useless if the two came together only with a view to fight each other. Moreover, I stressed the point that Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah should seek an interview with Pandit Nehru and try to come to an honourable understanding. If, however, the worst happened and the Muslim League boycott of the Constituent Assembly persisted and the British Government decided to discontinue the Constituent Assembly, I would hold it to be perfectly honourable. For, even though the Cabinet Mission had led one to suppose that they would continue the Constituent Assembly, I did not expect that they would or could continue it in spite of the successful boycott by one of the major parties. You then interpolated the remark that there were three parties, not only two. The States were the third party. You added that if the boycott persisted you had grave doubts as to whether the States would come in. 15

The Constituent Assembly is based on the State Paper. That Paper has put in cold storage the idea of Pakistan. It has recommended the device of “grouping” which the Congress interprets in one way, the League in another and the Cabinet Mission in a third way. No law-giver can give an authoritative interpretation of his law. If then there is a dispute as to its interpretation, a duly constituted court of law must decide it. 16 I take the Cabinet Mission statement to mean that there is nothing to fear if even the Princes do not join the Constituent Assembly. Nothing will be lost even if they do not interpret it in the same way. And if they do, it will only be worthy of them and we shall be able to work without obstruction. It is as clear as daylight to me that there is no need to put up with shortages in food and cloth. It is another matter if I cannot convince others about it. In such circumstances it makes no difference whether or not I come there. My place is here only. I am satisfied with what I can do here. I believe that I am bringing some little solace to the people here and may be able to bring more if I continue the work. But that is in the hands of Providence. 17

They can hand over power either to the Muslim League or to the Congress, I do not mind which. If they hand it over to the Congress, the Congress will come to a just settlement with the League. But even if they make it over to the League, the Congress has nothing to fear. Only, let the transfer of power be complete and unqualified. The way they do it will provide a test of their sincerity and honesty. So far the British have said that they had yielded to Congress nonviolence; it was because of the non-violent struggle launched by the Congress that the Cabinet Mission was sent and the British Government made its famous declaration to withdraw from India. If this is really so, they should have no difficulty in handing over power to the Congress. But so far as I, for one, am concerned, they are free to ignore the Congress and hand over power to the League. They will then have bowed before the power of violence. For that is what the League swears by. We shall then pit our non-violence even against the League’s violence. Non-violence was meant not to give fight to the British only. It is ubiquitous in its application and scope. We shall settle with the League by offering our innocent blood to be spilt without spilling any and we will succeed. 18

And now I want to reassure you about the British. I want to tell you, not in the light of the Viceroy’s speech but in the light of my own talks with him, that the Viceroy has had no hand in this decision. The decision has been taken jointly by all the leaders in consultation. The leaders say that for seven years they insisted on the unity of India. The Cabinet Mission also gave a reasonable award. But the League went back on its assurance and now this course has had to be adopted. They (the Muslims) have got to come back to India. Even if Pakistan is formed, there will have to be mutual exchange of populations and movements to and fro. Let us hope that co-operation endures. 19 I told the Parliamentary Delegation that heralded the Cabinet Mission and the Cabinet Mission itself that they had to choose between the two parties or even three. They were doomed to fail if they tried to please all, holding them all to be in the right. I had hoped that you were bravely and honestly trying to extricate yourself from the impossible position. But My eyes were opened when, if I understood you correctly, you said that Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah and the League members were equally in the right with the Congress members and that possibly Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah was more so. I suggested that this is not humanly possible. One must be wholly right in the comparative sense. You have to make your choice at this very critical stage in the history of this country. If you think that Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah is, on the whole, more correct and more reasonable than the Congress, you should choose the League as your advisers and in all matters be frankly and openly guided by them. 20 Having first unified the country, it is not a very becoming thing for them to divide it. I do not say that was their intention. The Cabinet Mission too had treated India as one single country and had produced arguments in support of this assumption. Today those arguments have become irrelevant. Thus the Bill in creating two Dominions gives us poison. It is true that both the Congress and the Muslim League gave their assent to the Bill. But accepting a bad thing does not make it good.

References: