For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Ahmadabad Mill-hands’ Strike and Mahatma Gandhi

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Senior Gandhian Scholar, Professor, Editor and Linguist

Gandhi International Study and Research Institute, Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail- dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net;

dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

Mailing Address- C- 29, Swaraj Nagar, Panki, Kanpur- 208020, Uttar Pradesh, India

Ahmadabad Mill-hands’ Strike and Mahatma Gandhi

The lock-out commenced on February 22. From that date the workers of the Weaving Department have been compelled to go without work. When the mill-owners issued notices withdrawing the Plague Bonus and there was unrest because of this, the employers resolved to get the dispute settled by arbitration and it was assumed that the workers would agree. Accordingly, the mill-owners resolved, on February 14, to appoint an arbitration board to decide what increase in lieu of the Plague Bonus was justified by the increase in the cost of living. Mahatma Gandhi, Shri Shankarlal Banker and Shri Vallabhbhai Patel representing the workers, and Sheth Ambalal Sarabhai, Sheth Jagabhai Dalpatbhai and Sheth Chandulal representing the employers, with the Collector as Chairman, were appointed to arbitrate. Thereafter, workers in some of the mills struck work owing to a misunderstanding. That was a mistake and the workers were ready to rectify it.

The employers, however, thought that the workers were in the wrong in striking before the Award was given by the arbitrators and that, therefore, they would be justified in cancelling their resolution regarding arbitration and this they did. They simultaneously passed a resolution to the effect that workers be paid their due wages and be discharged if they were not content with a 20 per cent increase. The weavers were not satisfied and accepted discharge, and the lock-out by the employers commenced. But the arbitrators for the workers felt it their responsibility to tell the workers, under the circumstances, what increase they could properly demand. But before doing so, they consulted amongst themselves and, after giving full consideration to the interests of both the mill-owners and the workers and to all the other circumstances, decided that an increase of 35 per cent was justified and that the workers be advised accordingly. But before doing so they intimated their intention to the mill-owners and promised to consider if they had anything to say against it. The employers did not express their view on this matter. The workers, whose demand was for a 50 per cent increase, withdrew it and resolved to ask for a 35 per cent increase.

Workers’ Pledge:

The workers have resolved: (1) that they will not resume work until a 35 per cent increase on the July wages is secured; (2) that they will not, during the period of the lock-out, cause any disturbance or resort to violence or indulge in looting, nor damage any property of the employers or abuse anyone, but will remain peaceful. How the workers can succeed in their pledge will be discussed in the next leaflet. If workers have anything to tell me, they are welcome to see me at my place at any hour of the day. 1

We saw in yesterday’s leaflet what the workers’ pledge was. We have now to consider what we should do to carry out that pledge. We know that the employers have crores of rupees and the workers have nothing. If workers have no money however, they have hands and feet with which they can work, and there is no part of the world which can do without workers. Hence, if only he knows it, the worker holds the key to the situation. Wealth is unavailing without him. If he realizes this, he can be sure of success. But the worker who would wield such power must possess certain qualities of character, without which he would be at the mercy of others. Let us see what these qualities are.

1. The worker should be truthful. There is no reason for him to tell a lie. Even if he tells a lie, he will not get the desired wage. The truthful man can be firm and a worker who is firm is never defeated.

2. He should possess courage. Many of us become permanent slaves through fear of what might happen to us if we lost our jobs.

3. He should have a sense of justice. If he asks for wages higher than his deserts, there will be hardly anyone who will employ him. The increase we have demanded in this struggle is reasonable. We should, therefore, have faith that sooner or later we are bound to get justice.

4. He will not be angry with his employer nor bear him any grudge. After all, when everything is over, the worker is to serve under him. Every human being is liable to err. We think the employers are in the wrong in refusing the increase asked for. If we remain straightforward till the end, the employers are sure to revise their attitude. At present they are angry. Also, they suspect that, if the present demands of the workers are granted, they will repeatedly harass them. To remove this suspicion, we should do our utmost to reassure the employers by our behaviour. The first thing to that end is to harbour no grudge against them. 5. Every worker should remember that the struggle is bound to involve suffering. But happiness follows suffering voluntarily undertaken. It is but suffering for the worker to be denied a wage sufficient to enable him to make both ends meet. Because of our ignorance, however, we endure this and manage to live somehow. Seeking a remedy against this suffering, we have told the employers that it is not possible for us to maintain ourselves without the wage increase demanded and that, if it is not granted to us and we are not saved from continuous starvation, we would rather starve right now. How long will the employers remain unmoved by our suffering? 6. Lastly, the poor have their saviour in God. Our duty is to make the effort and then, remain fully assured that we are bound to get what He has ordained for us, remain peaceful while our request is not yet granted. A worker who behaves in this manner will never find it difficult to keep his pledge. We shall discuss in tomorrow’s leaflet how the workers may maintain themselves during the period of the lock-out. 2

We have stated what the workers’ pledge is and considered how best they may fulfil it. Today we shall discuss how the workers may keep themselves occupied during the lock-out. There is a proverb among us that an idle man busies himself with mischief. And so it is not at all good that ten thousand men should remain idle here in Ahmadabad. A man who has been working all day feels quite lost if he suddenly finds himself without work. The subject of this leaflet, therefore, is very important to us if we are to succeed in our aim. Let us start by saying what the workers ought not to do:

1. They should not waste time in gambling.

2. They should not spend it sleeping during the day.

3. They should not keep talking, all the time, of the employers and the lock-out.

4. Many are in the habit of frequenting tea-stalls and idling away their time in gossip or eating and drinking when they don’t need to. Workers should keep away from such tea-stalls.

5. They should not go to the mills while the lock-out continues.

Now about what the workers should do: reading-rooms. Those who know skilled work, such as tailoring, cabinet-making or wood-carving and engraving, can seek work for themselves. If they fail to find any, they may approach us for help. Every person ought to have some knowledge of a subsidiary occupation besides the one from which he earns his livelihood. Workers, therefore, can spend their time in learning some new and easy work. They will have our help in this. In India, a person in one occupation thinks it below his dignity to follow any other. Besides, some occupations are considered low and degrading in themselves. Both these ideas are wrong. There is no question of inferiority or superiority among occupations which are essential for man’s existence. Nor should we be ashamed of taking up an occupation other than the one we are used to. We believe that weaving cloth, breaking stones, sawing or splitting wood or working on a farm are all necessary and honourable occupations. We hope, therefore, that instead of wasting their time in doing nothing, workers will utilize it in some such useful work. Having considered what workers should do, it is necessary to say what they may expect of me. We shall say this in the next leaflet. 3

We have said how workers can fulfil their pledge and what they should do during the lock-out. In this leaflet we shall explain how we propose to help them. It is our duty to do this.

What we cannot do:

(1) We shall not help the workers in doing anything which is wrong.

2) We shall have to abandon the workers and cease helping them if they do anything wrong or make inflated demands or commit violence.

(3) We can never wish ill to the employers; in all that we do, we are bound to consider their interests. We shall promote the workers’ interest while duly safeguarding the employers.

We shall do for workers:

(1) We are with the workers so long as they conduct themselves well, as they have done so far.

(2) We shall do all we can to obtain for them 35 per cent increase in wages.

(3) We are, as yet, only entreating the employers. We have not tried so far to win public sympathy or educate public opinion. But we shall be prepared, if the situation demands it, to acquaint the whole of India with the workers’ plight and hope that we shall succeed in obtaining public sympathy for our cause.

(4) We shall not rest till the workers get what they are entitled to.

(5) We are making an effort to inform ourselves of the condition of the workers in its economic, moral and educational aspects. We shall show the workers how they may improve their economic condition; we shall strive to raise their moral level; we shall think out and teach them ways and means of living in cleanliness and we shall work for the intellectual improvement of such of them as live in ignorance.

(6) We shall not ourselves eat or dress without providing food and clothing to such of the workers as are reduced to destitution in the course of the struggle.

(7) We shall nurse the sick among them and get for them the services of vaids and doctors. We have undertaken this task with a full sense of our responsibility. We consider the workers’ demand to be entirely reasonable and it is because we believe that satisfaction of their demand will eventually serve rather than harm the employers’ interests that we have taken up this cause. 4

We have so far considered the situation from our point of view. It is rather difficult to do so from that of the employers Workers’ efforts may have one of these two results:

1. They may get a 35 per cent increase in wages, or

2. They may have to resume work without getting such increase. If the workers get an increase, they will be benefited and the employers will have earned credit. If they have to resume work without any increase, they will be demoralized and obliged to bow before the employers as so many slaves. It is, therefore, in the interests of both sides that the workers get an increase. At any rate, a defeat will cost the workers very much indeed. Employers’ efforts too may have one of these two results: 1. They may concede the workers an increase.

2. They may not do so. If the employers concede it, the workers will be contented and justice will have been done to them. The employers are afraid that, if the workers’ demands are conceded, they will become overbearing. This fear is baseless. Even if workers are suppressed today, it is not impossible that, when opportunity arises, they will take to such ways. It is even possible that the workers, on being suppressed, will become vindictive. The history of the world shows that, wherever the workers have been suppressed, they have risen in revolt later when they got an opportunity. The employers feel that conceding the workers’ demand will strengthen their advisers’ influence on them. If the advisers are right in their stand, if they are devoted to the cause, the workers will never leave them whether they are defeated or victorious, and be it noted that the advisers also will not abandon the workers. Those who have dedicated themselves to service of others will not forsake it even if they have to incur the displeasure of those whom they oppose.

The more cause for disappointment they have, the more devoted will they become in their service. Strive as they may, the employers will never succeed in dividing the advisers from the workers. What, then, will they get by defeating the workers? The only reply can be: nothing but the workers’ discontent. The employers will always distrust the suppressed workers. By granting the increase as demanded, the employers will have contented workers. If the latter fail in their duty, the employers can always rely on the help of the advisers; this way, they can end the loss now being caused to both sides. The workers, on their part, will ever remain grateful if their demand is met and there will be increased goodwill between them and the employers. Thus, the employers’ success lies in that of the workers; and the latter are defeat, likewise, will be their defeat. As against this way of pure justice, the employers have adopted the Western, or the modern, satanic notion of justice. 5

Pure justice is that which is inspired by fellow-feeling and compassion. We in India call it the Eastern or the ancient way of justice. That way of justice which has no place in it for fellow feeling or compassion is known as Satanic, Western or modern justice. Out of compassion or regard, son and father concede many things to each other to the eventual benefit of both. One takes pride in giving up a claim and thinks of one’s action as proceeding from strength, not weakness. There was a time in India when servants, passing from father to son, used to serve in the same family for generations. They were regarded and treated as members of the family. They suffered with the employers in their misfortunes and the latter shared the servants’ joys and sorrows. In those days, India was reputed for a social order free from friction, and this order endured for thousands of years on that basis. Even now this sense of fellow-feeling is not altogether absent in our country. Where such an arrangement exists, there is hardly any need for a third party or an arbitrator. Disputes between a master and a servant are settled between themselves amicably.

There was no room in this arrangement for increase or reduction in wages according as the changing needs of the two might dictate. Servants did not ask for higher wages when there was a dearth of servants and masters did not reduce wages when servants were available in plenty. This arrangement was based primarily on considerations of mutual regard, propriety, decorum and affection. This sense of mutual obligation was not then, as it is now, considered unpractical but ruled us in most of our affairs. History records that many great things have been achieved by our people because they had made this pure justice the law of their life. This is the Eastern or ancient justice. A totally different way of life prevails in the West today. It is not to be supposed that all persons in the West approve of the modern idea of justice. There are many saintly persons in the West who lead a blameless life, adopting the ancient standard. But in most public activities of the West at present, there is no place for fellow-feeling or compassion. It is considered just that a master pays his servant what he thinks fit.

It is not considered necessary to think of the servants’ needs. So also the worker can make his own demand, irrespective of the employer’s financial condition and this is considered just. It is just, they think, that everyone should look after his own interests and expect others to take these into account. The present war in Europe is fought on the same principle. No means is considered improper for defeating the enemy. Wars must have been fought even in the past, but the vast masses of the people were not involved in them. We would do well not to introduce into India this despicable idea of justice, when workers make a demand merely because they think themselves strong enough to do so, regardless of the employers’ condition, they will have succumbed to the modern, satanic idea of justice. The employers, in refusing to consider the workers’ demands, have accepted this satanic principle of justice, may be unintentionally or in ignorance. The employers ganging up against the workers are like raising an army of elephants against ants. If they had any regard for dharma, the employers would hesitate to oppose the workers. You will never find in ancient India that a situation in which the workers starved was regarded as the employers’ opportunity. That action alone is just which does not harm either party to a dispute. We had confidently hoped that the Jain and Vaishnava employers in the capital city of this worthy land of Gujarat would never consider it a victory to bear down the workers or deliberately to give them less than their due. We are sure this wind from the West will pass as quickly as it has come. At any rate, we do not want to teach the workers what they do in the West these days. We wish to follow, and to make the workers follow, our ancient idea of justice as we have known it and to help them in that manner to secure their rights. We shall consider, in the next leaflet, some of the evil consequences of the policy followed in the West in modern times. 6

South Africa is a large British Colony. The Europeans have been settled there for over four hundred years. They enjoy autonomy. Many European workers are employed in the railways of that country. These workers felt that they did not receive just wages. Instead of merely trying to get their wages increased, they thought of capturing the Government. That was unjust; it was satanic justice. It increased the bitterness between the Government and the labour, and the whole of South Africa was in the grip of fear. Nobody felt secure. Ultimately, there was even open fighting between the parties and some innocent persons were killed. The military took over control everywhere. Both parties suffered heavily. Each desired to defeat the other, neither cared for justice as such. Each side magnified the other’s misdeeds. Neither had regard for the feelings of the other. While this was going on, our workers behaved justly. When the railway strike was launched, a strike involving 20,000 Indian workers had already begun. We were fighting the Government of that country for justice, pure and simple. The weapon our workers employed was Satyagraha. They did not wish to spite the Government, nor did they wish it ill.

had no desire to dislodge it. The European workers wanted to exploit the strike of the Indians. Our workers refused to be exploited. They said, “Ours is a satyagraha struggle. We do not desire to harass the Government. We will, therefore, suspend our struggle while you are fighting.” Accordingly, they called off the strike. We may call this true justice. Eventually, our workers succeeded and the Government, too, got credit because it did justice by accepting our demands. Our workers obeyed sentiment and did not seek to take advantage of the opponent’s embarrassment. The end of the struggle saw better mutual regard between the Government and the people and we came to be treated with more respect. Thus, a struggle fought on the basis of true justice benefits both sides. If we conduct our struggle on the same basis, with a sense of justice, if we bear no malice towards the employers and ask only or what is our right, not only shall we win but there will also be increased goodwill between the workers and the employers. Another thing to observe from this instance is that, in Satyagraha, both the sides need not be followers of truth. Even if one side alone follows it, Satyagraha will finally succeed. The party, moreover, which fights with bitterness, will lose its bitterness when this is not returned by the other side. If a man violently swings his hand in the air, he only strains it thereby. Similarly, bitterness is fed only by bitterness. We may, therefore, rest assured that, if we fight on with firmness and courage, we are bound to win in the end. Tomorrow we shall consider some instances of Satyagraha. 7

In this leaflet, we are not going to talk about satyagrahis who have won fame in the world. It would be more profitable for us and inspire us with strength to know what suffering common men like ourselves have found it possible to go through. Imam Hassan and Hussain were bold and resolute satyagrahis. We revere their names, but merely calling their examples to mind does not help us to become satyagrahis. We feel that there can be no comparison between our capacity and theirs. An equally memorable name is that of the devotee Prahlad. But we think that we are not capable of such devotion, resoluteness, love for truth and courage and so, in the end, we remain what we have been. Therefore, let us on this occasion think of what other persons like we have done. Such a satyagrahi was Hurbatsingh. He was an old man of 75 years. He had gone to South Africa on a five-year contract to work on an agricultural farm on a monthly wage of seven rupees. When the strike of 20,000 Indians, referred to in the last leaflet, commenced, he also joined it. Some strikers were jailed, and Hurbatsingh was among them. His companions pleaded with him and said, “It is not for you to plunge into this sea of suffering. Jail is not the place for you. No one can blame you if you do not join such a struggle.” Hurbatsingh replied: “When all of you suffer so much for our honour, what shall I do by remaining outside? What does it matter even if I die in jail?” And, verily, Hurbatsingh died in jail and won undying fame. Had he died outside, no one would have noticed his death. But, as he died in jail, the Indian community asked for his dead body and hundreds of Indians joined his funeral procession.

Like Hurbatsingh, was the Transvaal businessman Ahmed Mahomed Cachalia. By the grace of God he is still alive, and lives in South Africa where he looks after the Indian community and safeguards its honour. During the struggle in which Hurbatsingh sacrificed his life, Cachalia went to prison several times. He allowed his business to be ruined and, though he now lives in poverty, is respected everywhere. He saved his honour, though he had to pay heavily for it. Just as an old labourer and a middle-aged businessman of repute stood by their word and suffered, so also did a girl of seventeen years. Her name was Valliamah 1. She also went to jail for the honour of the community during that same struggle. She had been suffering from fever when she was imprisoned. In jail, the fever became worse. The jailer advised her to leave the jail, but Valliamah refused and with an unflinching mind completed her term of imprisonment. She died on the fourth or the fifth day after her release from jail. The Satyagraha of all the three was pure. All of them suffered hardships, went to jail but kept their pledge. There is no such cloud hanging over us. The utmost we have to suffer by keeping our pledge is to give up some of our luxuries and pull on somehow without the wages we earned. This is no very great task. It should not be difficult for us to do what our own brothers and sisters in our own time have done. We shall consider this matter a little further in the next leaflet. 8

Yesterday we discussed the examples of three satyagrahis; they were not the only satyagrahis in that struggle. Twenty thousand workers were out of work at a time, and the trouble was not over within twelve days. The entire struggle lasted for seven years and during that period hundreds of men lived under great suspense and anxiety and stuck to their resolve. Twenty thousand workers lived homeless and without wages for three months. Many sold whatever goods they had. They left their huts, sold their beds and mattresses and cattle and marched forth. Hundreds of them marched 20 miles a day for several days, each getting on only on 3/4 lb. of flour and an ounce of sugar. There were Muslims as well as Hindus among them. One of them is the son of the Muezzin of the Jumma Masjid of Bombay. His name is Imam Saheb Abdul Kadir Bawazeer. He who had never suffered any hardship before endured the rigours of jail life, labouring, during his terms of imprisonment, on cleaning roads, breaking stones, etc., and for months lived on tasteless and simple food. At present he has not a pie with him. The same is true of Dadamiya Kaji of Surat.

Two seventeen-year-old youngsters from Madras, Narayansamy and Nagappen suffered to the utmost and sacrificed their lives, but did not give in. In this same struggle, we may note, women who had never done any manual work before went round hawking and laboured as washerwomen in jails. Remembering these examples, will any worker among us not be prepared to suffer some inconvenience to keep his pledge? In the leaflets issued by the employers, we find that, in their anger, they have said many unworthy things; many things have been exaggerated, maybe unintentionally, and a few twisted. We may not meet anger with anger. It does not seem right even to correct the misstatements in them. It is enough to say that we should not allow ourselves either to be misled or provoked by such statements. If the allegations made against the advisers of the workers are true, merely contradicting them here will not prove them false. We know that they are untrue but, rather than attempt to prove them so here, we shall rely on our future behaviour to furnish the proof. Tomorrow we shall say something which has a bearing on this point. 9

In the situation in which we are placed, it is quite necessary to examine the point mentioned in the preceding leaflet. It is just about a fortnight since the lock-out commenced, and yet some say that they have no food, others that they cannot even pay rent. The houses of most of the workers are found to be in a very unsatisfactory condition. They are without proper ventilation. The structures are very old. The surroundings are filthy. The clothes of the workers are dirty. Some wear such clothes because they cannot afford to pay the washer man; others say that they cannot afford soap. The workers’ children just play about in the streets. They go without schooling. Some of the workers even set their tender children to work for money. Such extreme poverty is a painful thing indeed. But a 35 per cent increase will not by itself cure it. Even if wages were to be doubled, in all likelihood the abject poverty would remain unless other measures were also adopted. There are many causes for this poverty. We shall consider some of them today. Questioning the workers, we learn that when they are short of money they pay interest ranging from one anna to four annas per rupee per month. The very thought of this makes one shudder. Anyone who agrees to pay such interest even once will find it extremely difficult to extricate himself. Let us consider this a little. Interest on sixteen rupees at one anna per rupee is one rupee. People who pay interest at this rate pay an amount equivalent to the principal in one year and four months. This amounts to 75 per cent interest.

Even twelve to sixteen per cent interest is considered exorbitant; how, then, can a man paying 75 per cent interest survive at all? Then, what shall we say of a man who pays four annas a month on a rupee? Such a person pays an amount equal to the principal in four months. This amounts to 300 per cent interest. People who pay interest at such rates are always in debt and are never able to extricate themselves. Prophet Mahomed had realized the crushing burden of interest and so it is that we find in the Holy Koran strict injunctions against charging interest. For similar reasons, the rule of damdupat must have been prescribed in the Hindu scriptures. If, as part of the present struggle all workers take an oath not to pay such excessive interest, they will have an unbearable burden lifted from them. Nobody should pay interest at a rate higher than twelve per cent. Some may say: “It is all right for the future, but how shall we pay back what we have already borrowed on interest? We have this thing with us for a lifetime now.” The best way out of this situation is to start co-operative credit societies of workers. We found some workers in a position to rescue their brethren who were being crushed under the weight of interest. Outsiders are not likely to take a hand in this. Only those who trust us will help us. The workers should risk everything to free themselves from this scourge. Paying such high rates of interest is a major cause of poverty. Probably all other causes count for less. We shall discuss this point later. 10

As days pass, leaflets misleading the workers continue to be issued. It is also rumored that the lock-out is to be lifted on Tuesday, and that those workers who return will be taken back. We hear, besides, that any worker who persuades five or more other workers to go with him will be given a reward. Nothing needs to be done to counter these tactics. Employers are entitled to get the workers back to work by employing others to persuade them. But what is the workers’ duty? They have stated that an increase of 20 per cent is not adequate and have given notices accordingly. They have taken an oath not to accept anything less than 35 per cent. Placed in this predicament, unless a 35 per cent increase is granted, the workers cannot return to work except by violating their pledge, their honour and their manliness. It is possible, however, that every worker may not have such a sense of honour. Some may not even have taken such a pledge.

A few hail from outside Gujarat and they may not even be attending meetings. It would be wrong even for such workers to go back to work with a 20 per cent increase. Our duty merely is to find out such unthinking workers and acquaint them with the true state of affairs. But let it be remembered that even they are not to be coerced in any way. Tomorrow, i.e., on Tuesday, we are to meet at 7.30 in the morning at the usual place. The best way not to be tempted by the employers’ reopening the mills is to attend the meeting as usual at 7.30 in the morning. You should also search out the workers from other parts of the country who live as strangers to you and who have hitherto not attended these meetings, and see that they attend them. In these days, when you are facing a temptation, all manner of thoughts will occur to you. It is a miserable thing for a working man to be without a job. The meetings will keep up the patience of all workers who feel so. For those who know their strength, there can be no enforced unemployment. In reality the worker can be so independent that, if he realizes his true worth, he will never worry about losing a job. The wealth of a rich person may disappear or be stolen or be lost in a moment by mismanagement. Thanks to miscalculation, a rich man may have to face bankruptcy. But a worker’s capital is inexhaustible, incapable of being stolen, and bound to pay him a generous dividend all the time. His hands and feet, the energy which enables him to work, constitute this inexhaustible capital of his and the wages constitute his dividends. The worker who invests more of his energy in work can easily earn more interest. An idle worker will certainly starve. Such a one may have reason for despair. The industrious has no reason to worry even for a moment. Let everyone be at the usual place in time on Tuesday and there you will learn better yet how independent you really are. 11

Today a new chapter begins. The employers have decided to withdraw the lock-out and have expressed their willingness to take back those who are ready to accept a 20 per cent increase. This means that today the employers’ lock-out is at an end and a workers’ strike has commenced. You have all seen the announcement of the employers’ resolution to this effect. They say in it that many workers are ready to resume work but could not do so owing to the lock-out. The information which the employers have received ill accords with the daily meetings of the workers and the oath they have taken. Either their information is true or the presence of the workers in the daily meetings and the oath they have taken are a fact. The workers bore all these things in mind before taking the pledge and now they cannot resume work without securing a 35 per cent increase, whatever the inducement held out and whatever the suffering they may have to go through. Their honour is at stake in this. If you weigh a pledge against a sum of hundreds of thousands, the pledge will be seen to be of greater consequence. We are sure the workers will never forget this. They have no other way to advance themselves except to stand by their oath and it is our conviction that, if only the employers realize it, their welfare too lies in the workers’ keeping their oath. Eventually, even the employers will not gain by taking work from workers who are too weak to keep their oath.

A religiously-minded person will never feel happy in forcing a person to break his pledge or associating himself with such an effort. We have, however, no time now to think of the employers’ duty. They know it all right. We can only entreat them. But the workers must think seriously what their duty is at this time. Never again will they get an opportunity like the present one. Let us consider what the workers are likely to gain by breaking their oath. These days, any honest person in India can earn twenty to twenty-five rupees a month by intelligent work. The worst that can happen to a worker is that his employers may dismiss him and he will have to look for other work. A thoughtful worker should realize that he will get work anywhere after a few days’ search. We are sure, however, that the employers do not want to take this extreme step. If workers are firm in their resolve, even the hardest of hearts will relent. It is possible that the workers from outside Gujarat (i.e., those from the North or the South) are not well informed about this struggle. In public work we do not, and do not wish to, make distinctions of Hindu, Muslim, Gujarati, Madrasi, Punjabi, etc. We are all one or wish to be one. We should, therefore, approach these workers with understanding and enlighten them about the struggle and make them see that it is to their advantage, too, to identify themselves with the rest of us. 12

Rumours are afloat that many workers are willing to resume work, but that others prevent them by coercion and threats of physical assault. Workers should remember our pledge that, if they bring pressure to bear on their fellows and use threats to stop them from going to work, we shall not find it possible to help them. In this struggle, he alone will win who keeps his pledge. No one can be forced to do this. It is essentially a voluntary matter. We want to be faithful to our pledge and go ahead. If a man, being afraid, ventures nothing, he can never advance. Such a one has lost everything. Let every worker, therefore, bear in mind that he is not to use pressure on others in any form or manner. If coercion is used, the whole struggle is likely to be weakened and will collapse. For the success of their struggle, the workers are to rely solely on the rightness of their demand and of their conduct. If their demand is unjust, they cannot succeed. The demand may be just. But even then the worker will lose his case despite all his suffering if, in securing it, he resorts to untruth or falsehood, to violence or coercion, or is apathetic. It is very essential in this struggle that workers do not resort to coercion and that they provide for their maintenance by putting in physical labour. 13

As the weapon of the rich is money, that of the workers is their labour. Just as a rich man would starve if he did not employ his wealth, even so if the worker did not employ his wealth did not work he would also starve. One who does not work is not a worker. A worker who is ashamed of working has no right to eat. If, therefore, the workers desire to fulfil their pledge in this great struggle, they should learn to do some work or other. Those who collect funds and, remaining idle, maintain themselves out of them do not deserve to win. Workers are fighting for their pledge. Those who want food without working for it do not, it may be said, understand what a pledge means. He alone can keep his pledge that can feel shame or has self-respect. Is there anyone who will not look down on those who desire to be maintained on public funds without doing any work? It behoves us, therefore, that we maintain ourselves by doing some work.

If a worker does not work, he is like sugar which has lost its sweetness. If the sea water lost its salt, where would we get our salt from? If the worker did not work, the world would come to an end. This struggle is not merely for a 35 per cent increase; it is to show that workers are prepared to suffer for their rights. We are fighting to uphold our honour. We have launched on this struggle in order to better ourselves. If we start using public funds improperly, we shall grow worse and not better. Consider the matter from any angle you choose, you will see that we must maintain ourselves by our own labour. Farahad broke stones for the sake of Shirin, his beloved. For the workers, their pledge is their Shirin. Why should they not break stones for its sake? For the sake of truth, Harishchandra sold himself; why should workers not suffer hardships for upholding their pledge? For the sake of their honour, Imam Hassan and Hussain suffered greatly. Should we not be prepared even to die for our honour? If we get money while we remain idle at home and fight with that money, it would be untrue to say that we are fighting. We hope, therefore, that every worker will work to maintain himself so that he may be able to keep his oath and remain firm. If the struggle lengthens, it will be because of weakness on our part. So long as the mill-owners believe that workers will not take to any labour and, therefore, will eventually succumb, they will have no compassion and will continue to resist the demand.

So long as they are not convinced that workers will never give in, they will not be moved by compassion and will continue to oppose the workers even at the sacrifice of their own profits. When, however, they feel certain that the workers will, under no circumstances, give up their resolve, they will show compassion enough and welcome the workers back. Today the employers believe that the workers will not do any manual labour and so are bound to succumb soon. If the workers depend on others’ money for their maintenance, the mill-owners will think that the source is bound to be exhausted sooner or later, and so will not take the workers seriously. If, on the other hand, workers who have no other means of subsistence begin to do manual work, the employers will see that they will lose their workers unless they grant the 35 per cent increase forthwith. Thus, it is for us to shorten or lengthen the struggle. We shall be free the sooner by enduring greater suffering just now. If we flinch from suffering, the struggle is bound to be protracted. Those who have weakened will, we hope, consider all these points and become strong again.

Special Instruction:

Some workers are inclined to believe that those who have weakened cannot be persuaded to become strong. This is a wrong impression altogether. It is the duty of us all yours and ours to try, with gentleness, to persuade those who have weakened for one reason or another. It is also our duty to educate those who do not know what the struggle means. What we have been saying is that we may not use threats, tell lies, or resort to violence, or exert pressure in any manner to keep anyone away from work. If, despite persuasion, anyone resumes work, that is no reason for us to lose heart. Even if only one person holds out, we shall never forsake him. 14

It is necessary to understand the motive and significance of Gandhiji’s vow to fast. The first thing to remember is that this is not intended to influence the employers. If the fast were conceived in that spirit, it would harm our struggle and bring us dishonor. We want justice from the employers, not pity for us. If there is to be any pity, let it be for the workers. We believe that it is but the employers’ duty to have pity for the workers. But we shall be ridiculed if we accept 35 per cent granted out of pity for Gandhiji. Workers cannot accept it on that basis. If Gandhiji exploited his relations with the employers or the people in general in this manner, he would be misusing his position and would lose his good name. What connection could there possibly be between Gandhiji’s fast and the issue of workers’ wages? Even if fifty persons resolve to starve themselves to death on the employers’ premises, how can the employers, for that reason, give the workers a 35 per cent increase if they have no right to it? If this becomes a common practice for securing rights, it would be impossible to carry on the affairs of society. Employers cannot and need not pay attention to this fast of Gandhiji, though it is impossible that Gandhiji’s action will have no effect on them. We shall be sorry to the extent the employers are influenced by this action.

But, at the same time, we cannot sacrifice other far-reaching results that the fast may possibly bring about. Let us examine the purpose for which the fast has been undertaken. Gandhiji saw that the oath was losing its force with the workers. Some of them were ready to break their pledge out of fear of what they thought would be starvation. It is intolerable that ten thousand men should give up their oath. A man becomes weak by not keeping a vow and ultimately loses his dignity as man. It is, therefore, our duty to do our utmost to help the workers to keep their oath. Gandhiji felt that, if he fasted, he would show through this how much he he valued a pledge. Moreover, the workers talked of starvation. ‘Starve but keep your oath’ was Gandhiji’s message to them. He at any rate must live up to it. That he could do only if he himself was prepared to die fasting. Besides, workers said they would not do manual labour, but said, all the same, they stood in need of financial help. This seemed a terrible thing. If the workers took up such an attitude, there would be utter chaos in the country. There was only one way in which Gandhiji could effectively teach the people to submit to the hardships of physical labour and this was that he himself should suffer. He did manual work, of course, but that was not enough. A fast, he thought, would serve many purposes, and so commenced one. He would break it only when the workers got 35 per cent or if they simply repudiated their pledge. The result was as expected. Those who were present when he took the vow saw this well enough. The workers were roused; they started manual labour and were saved from betraying what a matter of religion was for them. The workers have now realized that they will secure justice at the hands of the employers only if they remain firm in their oath. Gandhiji’s fast has buoyed them up. But they must rely on their own strength to fight. They alone can save themselves. 15

Victory for Both:

We have said in earlier leaflets that in Satyagraha both the parties invariably succeed. He who fought for truth and attained his object would of course have won. But even he who first opposed the truth and subsequently recognized it as such and conceded it should also be considered to have won. From this point of view, because the workers’ pledge has been fulfilled, both the parties have won. The employers had taken an oath that they would not give more than 20 per cent. We have respected their oath, too. Thus the honour of both has been upheld. Let us now see what the settlement is:

1. Workers are to resume work tomorrow, i.e., on the 20th; for that day they will get a 35 per cent increase; and for the 21st, a 20 per cent increase.

2. From the 22nd, they will get an increase not exceeding 35 per cent, as the arbitrator may decide.

3. Prof. Anandshankar Bapubhai Dhruva, M.A., LL.B., a prominent man of letters of Gujarat and a man of saintly character, a professor in Gujarat College and its Vice-Principal, will be the arbitrator.

4. The arbitrator should give his award within three months. During the period, workers will be paid an increase of 27 per cent, i.e., the workers give up half of their demand and the employers half of theirs.

5. Whatever amount is decided by the arbitrator will be adjusted against the 27_ per cent, i.e., if the arbitrator awards more than 27_ per cent, the employers will give that increase and, if he awards less than 27_ per cent, the workers will refund the excess. Two things have been accomplished by this settlement. First, the honour of the workers has been upheld; secondly, it has been accepted as a principle that any serious dispute between the two parties should be settled not by resort to a strike but by arbitration.

It is not one of the terms of the settlement that in future the parties will settle their differences by arbitration; but, as the settlement has come about through arbitration, it is presumed that on a similar occasion in future also an arbitrator will be appointed. It should not be understood from this that an arbitrator will be appointed even for trifling differences. It will be humiliating to both parties if a third party has to intervene every time there is a difference between the employers and the workers. Employers cannot tolerate that. They will not do their business under such conditions. The world has always respected wealth and it will always demand respect. Consequently, if workers harass the employers for trifles, the relations that now obtain between them will break. We believe workers will not do anything of the kind. We must also advise them that they should never resort to a strike in thoughtless haste. We can give them no help if they go on strike without consulting us. Doubt has been raised whether we are right in claiming that our pledge has been fulfilled, since we have secured an increase of 35 per cent for one day only.

This seems very much like pacifying children. This has certainly happened on some occasions but not in this case. We have accepted 35 per cent for one day deliberately as the best thing to do in the circumstances. “We will not resume work without securing a 35 per cent increase” may mean one of two things; one, that we will not accept anything less than a 35 per cent increase at any time and, two, that we will resume work with a 35 per cent increase, it being enough even if we get it just for a day. Those who may have decided that it is just to demand a permanent increase of 35 per cent and feel sure that they have strength in plenty to fight till they get it will consider their pledge fulfilled only when they get what they want. But that was not what we had resolved. We were always ready to accept an arbitrator’s decision. The figure of 35 per cent was fixed unilaterally. Before we advised workers to demand 35 per cent, we wanted to hear from the employers themselves their view of the matter. Unfortunately, we did not succeed. So we examined their side as best we could and advised a demand for 35 per cent. But we cannot claim that the figure of 35 per cent was not open to question. We have never said so. If the employers prove that we are mistaken, we may certainly advise workers to accept less. Hence, if the arbitrator decides in favour of a smaller increase and we abide by his decision, our pledge will not have been violated. We always accepted the principle of arbitration. We think we were not wrong in deciding upon a 35 per cent increase; we hope, therefore, that this increase will be granted. If, however, we discover that the figure was wrong, we should willingly accept less.

We ourselves have asked for three months’ time. Employers were willing to accept a fortnight’s time-limit. We have, however, to make some inquiries in Bombay to prove the justice of our demand. It is also very necessary to show to the arbitrator the conditions prevailing here and to acquaint him fully with the living conditions of workers. Without such information, he cannot have a complete idea. Such detailed work cannot be completed in a few days. We shall see, however, that the work is completed as speedily as possible. Some workers wanted to be paid for the period of the lock-out. We must say that we are not entitled to ask for this. Since we did not accept the 20 per cent increase, either a strike or a lock-out became necessary. In suffering for 22 days, we did what was merely our duty and were in our own interest. We have had our reward for that suffering, namely, this settlement. How can we now ask for wages for the period of the lock-out? Such demand if accepted would amount to our having fought the struggle with the employers’ money. The workers should be ashamed to entertain such an idea. A warrior must fight on his own strength. Again, the employers had paid all wages due to the workmen before the lock-out, so that it can be said that workers now begin a new term of employment. They should consider all these points and give up the idea of asking for wages for the period of the lock-out. The wages will be due only after twenty days. What will be the workers’ condition in the meantime? Many may not have a pie left with them.

Those who are in need of assistance before the date of payment should politely request their employers for it and we are sure they will make some provision. The workers should note that their condition hereafter will depend on the quality of their work. If they work sincerely, obediently and with energy, they will win the employers’ goodwill and be helped by them in a great many ways. It would be a mistake to believe that anything could be secured only through us. We are prepared to serve labour in their time of difficulty, but their interests will be best served if they look upon the employers as their parents and approach them for all that they want. The need now is for peace. Small inconveniences should be tolerated. If you permit us, we should like to help some of you to overcome your bad habits. We want to provide facilities for you and your children’s education. We want to see all-round improvement in you, in your morals, in your and your children’s health, and in your economic condition. If you permit us, we will work amongst you towards this end. The greatest victory for the workers lies in this—God has kept their honour inviolate. He whose honour is preserved has secured all else. Even imperial rule over the world is as dust, if gained at the sacrifice of one’s honour. 16

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