For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, Part-III

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Gandhian Scholar

Gandhi Research Foundation Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail-dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net; dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, Part-III

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Though you are now under distressing circumstances, your release takes a great load off my mind, as it is three-fourths medicine for Kamala. I have missed you greatly during all the momentous steps I have taken. But of these when we meet. I am well, though the last day proved the most trying of all the days and washed me out thoroughly. But I have no doubt that I shall pick up quickly. This is however to suggest to you that you should not make any public political pronouncement. I have felt that in cases of domestic illness or sorrow the Government has acted in a becoming manner. I do feel therefore that we ought to recognize this fact by not using the liberty thus obtained for any other purpose not inconsistent with that of the Government. I feel that this is due to them and to us, especially when civil resistance is suspended. If my argument appeals to your reason, you will announce your self-restraint in a fitting manner. When Kamala is better I expect you to come here. I shall be in Wardha up to the end of the month, except that I might have to go to Bombay to attend the delicate operation that Jamnalalji might have to go through during the month. I hope Mama is doing well and so Krishna. You will let me know how you have fared this time in jail.”87

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had expected fuller grace from the Government. However your presence has done for Kamala and incidentally for Mama what no drugs or doctors could have done. I hope that you will be allowed to remain longer than the very few days you expect. I understand your deep sorrow. You are quite right in giving full and free expression to your feelings. But I am quite sure that from our common standpoint a closer study of the written word will show you that there is not enough reason for all the grief and disappointment you have felt. Let me assure you that you have not lost a comrade in me. I am the same as you knew me in 1917 and after. I have the same passion that you knew me to possess for the common goal. I want complete independence for the country in the full English sense of the term. And every resolution that has pained you had been framed with that end in view. I must take full responsibility for the resolutions and the whole conception surrounding them. But I fancy that I have the knack for knowing the need of the time. And the resolutions are a response thereto. Of course here comes in the difference of our emphasis on the method or the means which to me are just as important as the goal and in a sense more important in that we have some control over them whereas we have none over the goal if we lose control over the means. Do read the resolution about ‘loose talk’ dispassionately. There is not a word in it about socialism. Greatest consideration has been paid to the socialists some of whom I know so intimately. Do I not know their sacrifice? But I have found them as a body to be in a hurry. Why should they not be? Only, if I cannot march quite as quick, I must ask them to halt and take me along with them. That is literally my attitude. I have looked up the dictionary meaning of socialism. It takes me no further than where I was before I read the definition. What will you have me to read to know its full content?

I have read one of the books Masani gave me and now I am devoting all my spare time to reading the book recommended by Narendra Deva. You are hard on the members of the Working Committee. They are our colleagues such as they are. After all we are a free institution. They must be displaced, if they do not deserve confidence. But it is wrong to blame them for their inability to undergo the sufferings that some others have gone through. After the explosion I want construction. Therefore now, lest we do not meet, tell me exactly what you will have me to do and who you think will best represent your views. As to the trust, I was not present. Vallabhbhai was. Your attitude betrays anger. You should trust the trustees to do their duty. I did not think there was anything wrong. I was too preoccupied to concentrate on it. I shall now study the papers and everything. Of course your feelings will be fully respected by other trustees. Having given you this assurance, I would ask you not to take this matter as personally as you have done. It more becomes you generous nature to give the same credit to your co-trustees for regard for Father’s memory that you would take for yourself. Let the nation be the custodian of Father’s memory and you only as one of the nation. I hope Indu is well and likes her new life”88

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I sent you a letter some days ago simply inquiring about your health. Mummy who came in yesterday tells me you do not get letters except what is sent in Kamala’s packet. I should like to know the rules regulating your correspondence. Please let me know how you are. Doing and how you are passing your time.”89 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You will frankly give me your opinion on all the things of common interest. Unless there is an insuperable bar you should take charge of the Congress ship next year. You will wire to me Kamala’s condition on reaching there. The news of your release must itself have brought her considerable relief. I hope you were keeping well.”90

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “How well you have joined Kamala! It is the best tonic for her. I shall keep a note for her herewith. Your messages are being duly received here. And Sarup repeats what she receives. Let us hope all will end well. Please thank Dr. Atal for his messages and letters which have been most helpful. I expect a regular mail from you whilst the crisis lasts. Typed sheets are with me. I shall go through them as soon as possible. Mahadev had to go to Bombay to help Vallabhbhai about an inquiry. And he is still there. Rajagopalachari has just dropped in with Laxmi and her baby boy. Devdas was badly ill. Ansari has packed him off to Simla. I have Mira on my hands prostrate with bad fever. I would like you to allow yourself to be elected President for the next year. Your acceptance will solve many difficulties. If you think fit, send me a wire. Has Indu been fixed up? Khurshed is here. She will be writing to you by the ordinary mail.”91

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Your three welcome letters give us all accurate news about Kamala. For the time being I expect you to follow up the practice. I had telegraphed for daily wires because of the public demand. But you were right in not sending any when there was no change. You were right also in omitting the sender’s name. Your presence there is a source of great satisfaction to your friends here as it is an elixir of life to Kamala. I am not writing to her separately this air mail. I am going to take up your manuscript presently. I have no difficulty in agreeing with you in the enunciation of principles. But when we descend to the concrete, we generally use the language I have used. In the huge organization the Congress has become, no one man can hope to run the show. But some-one has to shoulder the burden. And people want some guidance. If you are elected, you will be elected for the policy and principles you stand for. I would like you therefore to tell me whether you will allow your name to be proposed for the crown of thorns. I suppose Indira will now wait till Kamala’s condition is better known. I am sending the Congress Constitution. If you can concentrate your attention on it, I would like you to send me your considered criticism on it. As to the present policy of the Congress, whilst I can in no way be responsible for the detailed working of it, it is in the main of my shaping. It is not one of drift. It is founded upon one central idea— that of consolidating the power of the people with a view to peaceful action. But in your absence, we have been literally trekking. Now that you are free you have to give the guidance and take with you such of your old colleagues as would go with you whole-heartedly. So far as I know they will not resist you, even where they may not be able to follow you. I must not weary you with more of this kind of thing whilst you are there nursing Kamala.”92

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I see that Kamala is putting forth a very brave effort. It will be rewarded. You know my partiality for nature-cure methods. There are in Germany itself many nature-cure establishments. Kamala’s case may be past that stage. But one never knows. I know of cases which were reported to be for surgical treatment but which yielded to nature cure treatment. I send you this experience of mine for what it is worth. Your letter about the wearing of the next year’s crown was delightful. I was glad to have your consent. I am sure that it would solve many difficulties and it is the rightest thing that could have happened for the country. Your presidentship at Lahore was totally different from what it would be at Lucknow. In my opinion it was comparatively plain sailing at Lahore in every respect. It won’t be so in any respect at Lucknow. But those circumstances I cannot imagine anybody better able to cope with thank you. May God give you all the strength to shoulder the burden? I am going through your chapters as speedily as I can. They are to me of absorbing interest.”93

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Yours to Agatha gave me an insight into the working of your mind which I would not miss for anything. She fully deserved that frankness. I can endorse most of your sentiments. You do not know that I have written to her more than once in much the same strain though in my own way and my own language. Nevertheless if Kamala shows distinct signs of improvement and if you are free to go [to] London and the way is open, I would like you to see the big ones, open yourself out to them even as you have to Agatha. But your letter received yesterday shows that you may not leave Kamala’s bedside just yet. After all you have been freed for that purpose and if Providence keeps you chained to Kamala’s bed, we must not grumble. You have gone there to see her through the terrible ordeal. How I wish I was there to share your burden and cheer Kamala! As I saw her for two days in Bombay before her departure, I observed that she never had so much peace of mind as she seemed to enjoy then. Her faith in the benevolence of God, she said, was never so bright as then. Her mental disturbance had vanished and she did not mind what happened to her. She went to Europe because you all wished it; it seemed to be her obvious duty to do so. If she lives, she will live for greater service than she has yet rendered. If she dies, she will do so to come down to earth with a body more fitted for her task than the one she has today. It is well too that Indu’s literary studies remain suspended for a while. For me, she is having a training that is of far greater value than any she would have in a college. She is having her training in the University of Nature. She may give the finishing touch by completing her literary studies. I am going through your chapters with the deepest interest. I should like to finish them at a single sitting as Mahadev did and as Khurshed almost did. I have no such good luck. I must reserve my opinion till I have reached the last chapter. I am thankful that you have sent them to me. I am not going to talk to you about the politics. It is enough for my purpose that you will shoulder the burden, if it falls to your lot. That it will, seems to me to be a foregone conclusion. You will read the accompanying to Kamala, if you think fit. Indu used to write to me a few lines when you were not there. Now I suppose she thinks she is absolved from the task!”94

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have wired to Rajendra Babu about Swaraj Bhawan. I do not know what is happening. I am entirely of your opinion that the policy of the Committee should be strictly defined. As to our attitude on the present world situation, I do not think there is want of appreciation of it. But it is our helplessness which imposes silence on us. There is no weakness either. It is merely a matter, if you will, of tactics in the best sense of the term. Anyway I have no sense in me of weakness. But I know that I cannot speak with effect at this juncture. I cannot give the lead without knowing what the people can do. I know what they should do. And what is true of me is perhaps equally true of the majority of our workers. But I have great faith in you in these matters. You have undoubtedly a much greater grasp of the situation than any one of us has, certainly than I can ever hope to have. Therefore you may be able to evolve a dignified formula for national self-expression in speech as well as in action assuming of course that at the present moment direct action is ruled out. Your paragraph about Kamala is somewhat disturbing. But we are prepared for these ups and downs. I must await your further contribution on the Constitution before I say anything. I am glad I spent the money for putting you in possession of the Constitution as early as it was possible.”95

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “We have to be prepared for ups and downs in Kamala’s health. I marvel at the resisting power Kamala is showing and so long as she has got this tremendous reserve of strength and will, we can hope for the best; at least I do. When I said good-bye to her in Bombay, I did not feel that we were parting for all time, and I naturally said: ‘We are going to meet again in a year’s time, if I am out till then.’ I claim to have that hope still and I interpret your reports in that light. I understand the depth of feeling behind your intense disinclination to see the “big folk”, but I know that in spite of your disinclination, if there is a real approach to you, you are not going to be unapproachable. I know that at a given moment your decisions are always correct. Your firm decision, therefore, does not frighten me. I share your view, however, that during the election fever nobody would want to see you, nobody would be in the mood to discuss things that are irrelevant to their electioneering campaign, and India has ever been irrelevant on such occasions. From your standpoint you will be going to England at a safe time. Khurshedbehn will be most probably leaving for Bombay on Wednesday. She has a bit of a literary programme before her which should keep her busy for some months. I wonder if you have ever time to look into Harijan, which is sent to you regularly?”96

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I wrote to you last week about the sudden breakdown in Bapu’s health. He is progressing well, but it will be some time before his blood pressure becomes normal again. He seems to have worked at high pressure all these months and Dr. Jivraj and Dr. Gilder who examined him two days ago are definitely of opinion that he must have a couple of months’ rest. This he has agreed to do. For ten days now he has been in bed resting and sleeping, never reading or writing or dictating. But you will be surprised to know that he continued to do his reading on the commode even during these days! And he finished the 9th Part of your magnum opus which it really is this evening. And as soon as he finished it he called me to his bedside and asked me to send you his impressions. If he had been well he should have written himself or dictated something but he did not want to strain himself in the teeth of the doctors’ advice and so told me in Gujarati in a minute or two what he felt. What I say will, therefore, be in my language and not his. He said: It is needless to say that it is a brilliantly written book, and a great literary production. There are parts where I have my fundamental differences with you and which I would like to criticize, but I will not do so as it is scarcely necessary or useful. For when all is said and done it is a highly introspective narrative containing an expression of your innermost thoughts and convictions. Even if you could be persuaded to moderate or soften that expression, I should not attempt it, as it would result in taking away from its naturalness, if not also its truthfulness. After all we are helpless actors in the mighty flow of events, we have to act according to our lights allowing or expecting the events to correct us where we err. There is just one thing where perhaps I might make a helpful suggestion. The attack on the Liberals seems to have been overdone. It seems to obtrude on the reader’s attention over and over again and sometimes mars the grace and beauty of the narrative. Not that there is any venom in anything that you have said; far from it; but you should not be even unconsciously guilty of doing an injustice to them. What you have said about Shastri leaves that impression on me. These friends served the country in their time according to their lights, and whilst we may have our serious differences with them we do not exactly serve the cause of the country by publicly pillorying them. If you have not, therefore, already sent the book on to the publishers, you might alter these portions.”97

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “So you return leaving Kamala forever in Europe. And yet her spirit was never out of India and will always be your precious treasure as it will be of many of us. I shall never forget the final talk that wetted our four eyes. Heavy responsibility awaits you here. It is laid on you because you are well able to bear it. I dare not come to you, as I would have if my body had regained its original elasticity. There is nothing organically wrong with me. The body has even gained in weight. But it has lost the vitality it seemed to have only three months ago. Strange to say, I never felt any illness. And yet the body had become weak and the instrument registered high blood-pressure. I have to be careful. I am in Delhi to rest for a few days. If your original plan had been carried out I would have remained in Wardha for our meeting. It would have been quieter there for you. But if it is the same thing to you, we may meet in Delhi where I should be till 23rd instant at least. But if you prefer Wardha I can return there earlier. If you come to Delhi, you could stay with me in the Harijan quarters newly built in Kingsway quite a good place. You will tell me, when you can, the date of our meeting. Rajendra Babu and Jamnalalji are or will be with you. Vallabhbhai also would have been but we all thought it would be better if he stayed away. The other two have gone there not for political discussion but for condolence. The political discussion will take place when we have all met and when you have finished domestic work. I hope Indu bore well the grief of Kamala’s death and the almost immediate separation from you. What is her address? May everything be well with you?”98

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The notes make good reading. Your answers were fairly full and of course straight. Why do you feel worried over the forthcoming meeting? If there is discussion it would only be to convince one another of the soundness of one’s views. You will stop the discussion when you think a proposition has been thoroughly argued. After all you want teamwork and I have great hope of this happening. I reach Nagpur 23rd evening. I wish Ranjit will take care of himself. I am glad he has gone to Khali. I expect Sarup to accompany you. Sardar is still suffering and is just now on buttermilk only. I am taking him to Nandi Hill after 8th May. I wish you too could come.”99

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “My right hand needs rest. You will perhaps like to read the enclosed. It need not be returned. Khurshed has written to me about her new suggestion regarding the scope of Kamala Memorial. If it is a substitute for the hospital, it is in my opinion inadmissible. And it cannot be carried out for 3 lacs.”100 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The reason why I sent you my reply to Agatha was to know whether I had correctly represented your attitude. But I am glad you have gone for me instead. I am not guilty of ‘supporting a system which involves a continuous and devastating class war’ or expressing approval of systems based essentially on himsa or ‘of criticizing and condemning people for more or less minor faults and praising others who are guilty of far more important failings.’ It is possible that I am unconsciously guilty of the things you seem to impute to me. If so, you should give me concrete instances. I have already admitted that my method of dealing with things is different from yours as I see it. But there is no difference whatsoever about looking at the existing system. Dr. Ansari’s death is a severe blow. For me it was infinitely more than a political friendship. I hope you are going to Khali or coming to me to breathe a little cool air.”101

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Here are two cuttings from The Hindu. I have refused to believe that you are correctly represented by the reporter. But I would like the correct version, if you can send me one on both the subjects. The exclusion of women was entirely your own act. Indeed, nobody else had even thought it possible to exclude a woman from the cabinet. As to khadi I have understood you to say that it is indispensable in the present economy of the nation and that when the nation came to its own, hand-made cloth might have to give place to the mill-made.”102

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “So you are touring with almost feverish speed. May you have the requisite strength? Even a week at Khali will be a godsend. I propose to make public use of your statement on khadi. I have received so many inquiries. The distorted summary has caused consternation among our people who have faith in khadi. Your statement will ease the situation a bit. Your explanation about the omission of a woman on the W. C. does not give me satisfaction. If you had shown the slightest desire to have a woman on the Committee, there would have been no difficulty whatsoever about any of the older ones standing out. There was pressure if it may be so called only about Bhulabhai. And the first time his name was mentioned you had no objection. There was no pressure about any other member. And then you had this unfettered choice of omitting a socialist name and taking a woman. But so far as I remember you yourself had difficulty in choosing a substitute for Sarojini Devi and you were anxious to omit her. You even went so far as to say that you did not believe in the tradition or convention of always having a woman and a certain number of Mussalmans on the cabinet. Therefore so far as the exclusion of a woman is concerned, I think it was your own unfettered discretion.

No other member would have had the desire or the courage to break the convention. I must also tell you that in certain Congress circles the whole blame is being thrown on me, for I am reported to have excluded Mrs. Naidu and to have insisted on having no woman thing for which as I said to you I had not even the courage. I could not exclude even Mrs. N., not to mention a woman. As to the other members too, I have been under the impression that you chose the members because it was the right thing to do for the cause. There was no question of behaya or hayadar when all were actuated by the noblest of motives, i.e., service of the cause according to their lights. I may say that your statement which your letter confirms has given much pain to Rajen Babu, C. R. and Vallabhbhai. They feel and I agree with them they have tried to act honorably and with perfect loyalty towards you as a colleague. Your statement makes you out to be the injured party. I wish you could see this viewpoint and correct the report if it is at all possible. I would love to have the thing cleared. I cannot guess what you want to say. But that must wait till we meet. I must not add to the strain you are already bearing. About Dr. Ansari Memorial, I have given Asaf Ali my clear opinion that the memorial for the Doctor should await better times politically as it has for Papa6. Do you think otherwise? The Kamala memorial is making slow progress.”103

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I was about to send you the enclosed for your information when I got your letter yesterday. I am glad Ranjit is better. He must take care of himself. I do not want you to issue any special statement about the omission of a woman from your cabinet. I think that this omission does not stand on the same footing as the inclusion or exclusion of others. None of us had either the courage or the wish to exclude [a] woman altogether from the W. C. If this is the correct interpretation of your attitude, it should be made clear if the occasion offers itself. As to the others I am sorry you feel still sore about what happened. You swallowed the Bhulabhai pill in the interest of the cause. And surely at the very first discussion I had said before you had mentioned the thing that there must be Socialists in the cabinet. I mentioned also the names. What however I want to emphasize is not who mentioned whom but that all were actuated by no other motive than that of serving the common cause. So far as I remember, what you have sent me is not the statement I had seen. What you have enclosed I seem to see for the first time. Please ask Dr. H. if he issued any other. Even the one you have sent me is at variance with what the Doctor used to tell me. I take no exception to the expression of his views faulty, in my opinion, though they are. My complaint is that he said one thing to me and said another thing for publication. You are at liberty to show this to Dr. H. I hope you are well. I was following your Punjab hurricane tour not without anxiety.”104

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “This is another batch of cuttings, of more importance perhaps to you than to me. My right hand is resting. No more, since we meet soon.”105 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I was seeking time to be able to write to you on the events in Wardha. Your letter makes it difficult. I would however just like to say that the letter of withdrawal does not bear the meaning you put upon it when it was given to you. It was sent to you after I had seen it. The sending of such a letter in the place of resignation was my suggestion. I wish that you could take a juster view of that letter. In any case I am firmly of opinion that during the remainder of the year, all wrangling should cease and no resignations should take place. A.I.C.C. will be paralyzed and powerless to deal with the crisis. It will be torn between two emotions. It would be most unfair to spring upon it a crisis, in the name of democracy, which it has never been called upon to face. You are exaggerating the implications of the letter. I must not argue. But I would urge you to consider the situation calmly and not succumb to it in a moment of depression so unworthy of you. Why should you not allow your humor to play upon the meetings of the W. C.? Why should it be so difficult for you to get on with those with whom you have worked without a jar for years? If they are guilty of intolerance, you have more than your share of it. The country should not be made to suffer for your mutual intolerance. I do hope you have accepted the very same advice of the German doctor.”106

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, 1. “I hope you got my wire about The Times of India letter. I procured it yesterday and read it through. Nobody has ever written to me about the subject-matter. My reading of the letter confirms my view that you should take legal notice of the libel.

(2) If you will not misunderstand me, I would like you to keep me free of the Civil Liberties Union. I do not like for the time being to join any political institution. And there is no meaning in a confirmed civil resister joining it. Apart however from my joining or not joining the Union, mature consideration confirms me in my opinion that it would be a mistake to appoint Sarojini Naidu or for that matter any civil resister as President. I am still of opinion that the President should be a well-known constitutional lawyer. If that does not commend itself to you then, you should have an author of note who is not a law-breaker. I would also ask you to restrict the number of members. You need quality, not quantity.

(3) Your letter is touching. You feel to be the most injured party. The fact is that your colleagues have lacked your courage and frankness. The result has been disastrous. I have always pleaded with them to speak out to you freely and fearlessly. But having lacked the courage, whenever they have spoken they have done it clumsily and you have felt irritated. I tell you they have dreaded you, because of your irritability and impatience of them. They have chafed under your rebukes and magisterial manner and above all your arrogation of what has appeared to them your infallibility and superior knowledge. They feel that you have treated them with scant courtesy and never defended them from socialists ‘ridicule and even misrepresentation. You complain of their having called your activities harmful. That was not to say that you were harmful. Their letter was no occasion for recounting your virtues or your services. They were fully conscious of your dynamism and your hold over the masses and the youth of the country. They know that you cannot be dispensed with. And so they wanted to give way. I look upon the whole affair as a tragic-comedy. I would therefore like you to look at the whole thing in a lighter vein. I do not mind your taking the A.I.C.C. into your confidence. But I do want you not to impose on it the unbearable takes of adjusting your family quarrels or choosing between them and you. Whatever you do you must face them with accomplished things. Why do you resent their majority being reflected in all subcommittees, etc.? Is it not the most natural thing? You are in office by their unanimous choice but you are not in power yet. To put you in office was an attempt to find you in power, quicker than you would otherwise have been. Anyway that was at the back of my mind when I suggested your name for the crown of thorns. Keep it on though the head be bruised. Resume your humor at the committee meetings. That is your most usual role not that of a care-worn irritable man ready to burst on the slightest occasion. How I wish you could telegraph to me that on finishing my letter you felt as merry as you were on that New Year’s Day in Lahore when you were reported to have danced round the tricolor flag. You must give your throat a chance. I am revising my statement. I have decided not to publish it till you have seen it. I have decided that nobody should see our correspondence, besides Mahadev.”107

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “How I wish you would put down your foot on ‘insane’ programmes and save your energy for the common good. All will be well if you will never lose your humor and make up your mind to stay out your period, trying to push through your policy as much as you can through the present team. Time has arrived to think of the future, i.e., next year’s plans. Whatever happens, you must not be in opposition. That is my confirmed opinion. When like Father you feel that you are ready to take sole charge of the Congress, I think that from the present company you will find no opposition. I hope you will have plain sailing in Bombay. Kamala Memorial is disturbing me. I do not know what is happening about the collections or the scheme. If Khurshed or Sarup or both are concentrating on the thing, it is well. Please tell Sarup I expect her to keep me informed of her doings in this connection. I won’t discuss here the question of socialism. As soon as I finish revision of my note, you will have the draft before it goes to the Press. My difficulty is not about the remote future. It is always the present that I can concentrate upon and that at times worries me. If the present is well taken care of, the future will take care of itself. But I must not anticipate.”108

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Khan Saheb has received the usual notice to attend the meetings in Bombay. He has no desire to attend them and I do not want to press him. And in Bombay he will be asked to attend meetings and functions at which he would be called upon to speak. I do not want him to do so just now. I want him rather to pass the year with me. And he is none too strong or invulnerable to attacks of illness. Will you, therefore, please excuse him from attendance?”109 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Our conversation of yesterday has set me thinking. Why is it that with all the will in the world I cannot understand what is so obvious to you? I am not, so far as I know, suffering from intellectual decay. Should you not then set your heart on at least making me understand what you are after? I may not agree with you. But I should be in a position to say so. Yesterday’s talk throws no light on what you are after. And probably what is true of me is true of some others. I am just now discussing the thing with Raja. I should like you to discuss your programme with him if you can spare the time. I must not write at length, having no time. You know what I mean.”110

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “If you finish today, as I hope you will, you will perhaps let me go away tomorrow after midday. If you have appreciated my suggestion about holding the Congress in villages hereafter, I would like you to ask the Congress to revert to the old rule of holding it in between February and March. The sufferings of the thousands in wintry weather should be avoided if possible. Parliamentarians should fit in with this arrangement. There is no reason why, if the Congress secures a majority in the legislatures, they should not have vacation as they have during Xmas, Easter, etc. I have told Sarup that land somewhere must be secured soon and then house-to-house collections started for Kamala memorial.”111

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I wish I could have gone with you to Ajanta. Before I received your letter, I had spoken strongly to Khan Saheb and urged him to send Mehrtaj to Vakil’s school. But he was adamant. He does not want her to go to a mixed school. I spoke to Mehrtaj too. She is undoubtedly restless. But Khan Saheb is sanguine and believes that Mehrtaj will recover her usual cheerfulness. I do hope you will take care of yourself and not wear yourself out. I had a brief talk with Sarup over the memorial. I am sure that before anything else, at least the ground must be acquired. There need be no insistence on having the plot you described to me or another near Anand Bhawan.”112

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I still maintain my objection to Kamaladevi. You can have Mridula instead if you want two women. There must be other women in the A.I.C.C. Maulana would remain if pressed. I would like Jamnalalji to be spared. But that is a matter between you, Rajen Babu and him. I do not mind too many from U.P. You can’t help it. I take it you will discuss the list with those whom you want to retain. I can’t think of anyone else or anything else. I think I told you that I used to like her. Her ability is unquestioned. But I have known things which have worried me about her. I should unhesitatingly take Sarup. But I can understand the delicacy. Satyavati deserves the place apart from her fanaticism which makes her sometimes a dangerous ally. You may show my objection to Kamaladevi if you know her sufficiently I believe she knows my opinion. It hurts me to hold that opinion, but how can I help myself? Therefore let not my opinion weigh with you unduly. If those whom you want do not object, you should have her. Of course I am partial to Mridula. But Satyavati has a longer record of service and has from a public point of view a better right. Mridula is a brick so far as work and loyalty are concerned. She will be the youngest member, if the choice falls on her. If I had to make the selection of course the choice will be Satyavati almost for the reasons that make you exclude Sarup.”113

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Why should you become ill? Having become ill, why will you not give yourself rest? I thought you were going to steal away somewhere after Indu came. Please give my love to her when she arrives. I must send her a line with this. Somehow or other everything I say and even perhaps do jars on you. Silence was impossible. I thought in the context the words courtesy and discourtesy came out all right. Yours is the first note of complaint from the Congress side about the statement. I could not help myself if the complaint was universal. I am glad you have written. You must bear with me till my understanding becomes clear or your fears are dispelled. I apprehend no harm from my statement. Is there anything at the back of your mind that I do not understand? Kamaladevi travelled with us from Wardha to Madras. She was coming from Delhi. She came to my compartment twice and had long chats. At last she wanted to know why Sarojini Devi was excluded, why Laxmipati was being kept away by Rajaji, why Anasuyabai was excluded, and so on. I then told her of my part in her exclusion, and told her almost all that I could remember of the note I wrote for you on that silent Monday. Of course, I told her I had no hand in Sarojini’s exclusion at first or inclusion after. I told her also that Rajaji, so far as I knew, had nothing to do with L’s exclusion. I thought you should know this. I hope this will find you fully restored. You don’t say anything about Mother.”114

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Though three days might prove too few, they would be better than nothing. It is a pity Indu can’t come with you. I had thought that the operation that she had for tonsils many years ago was the last. I take it this would be as simple as the previous one.”115 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Khan Saheb and I have read it. I like it very well. I wonder if the Spanish bombing and the British are exactly alike. How has the extent of the British damage been known? What has been the ostensible reason given for the British bombing? Don’t smile or be angry that I do not know these things as well as you do. I can learn very little from the little I see of the newspapers. But don’t trouble to answer my questions. I shall follow the reactions to your statement. Maybe these will throw some light. And in any case you will fill in the gaps when we meet. I hope the Maulana will come. But even if he cannot I would like you to hold on to the date. Let us have the three quiet days. Hope Indu is well.”116

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had long chats with Maulana Saheb yesterday. If he is to be consulted in the choice of Muslim Ministers in the Provinces, I think it is better to make the public announcement to the effect. The Maulana agrees. If you think that the Working Committee should be consulted, I would suggest consultation by wire. I expect you will write on the Hindi-Urdu topic at an early date.”117 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Today is the Election Day. I am watching. But this I write to tell you that I have begun to write on the function of Congress Ministries and allied topics. I hesitated but I saw that it was my duty to write, when I felt so keenly. I wish I could send you an advance copy of my article for Harijan. Mahadev will see this. If he has a copy he will send it. When you see it, you will please tell me if I may continue to write so. I do not want to interfere with your handling of the whole situation. For, I want the maximum from you for the country. I would be doing distinct harm, if my writing disturbed you.”118

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Maulana Saheb stopped for a day in Wardha and we had a long chat. He showed me the draft agreement between Muslim League members of the Assembly and the Congress members. I thought it was a good document. But he told me that whilst you liked it, Tandonji did not. I have written to the latter about it as the Maulana suggested I should. What is the objection? The Rs. 500 salary with big house and car allowances is being severely criticized. The more I think of it, the more I dislike this extravagant beginning. I talked about this, too, to the Maulana. How is Indu?”119 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I liked your statement about salaries. Apart from my convenience I do think that Wardha is the best and the quietest place for Working Committee meetings. I am in constant correspondence with Nariman. His latest is a marvellous piece of impudence. You will see my two last letters to him. M. will send you copies. If he does not accept my proposal, I shall issue my statement. Therein I propose to tell him that you could have no objection to publishing the whole of the correspondence between the W. C. and him. You too will have to make a statement. Yours may follow mine if the latter becomes inevitable. I am trying to find time for writing about Essay on Hindi.”120

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I hope Mahadev told you yesterday in addition to acknowledging your essay on Hindi that the Viceroy had invited me to Delhi on the 4th for no special reason but merely to have the pleasure of meeting him. I replied saying that he had anticipated me for I wanted to seek an interview with him about the ban on Khan Saheb and my desire to visit the Frontier. I am accordingly reaching Delhi on the 4th. The appointment is for 11.30. Therefore, I hope to be able to leave the same day, returning to Segaon on the 5th. But this letter is to send you a copy of Zakir’s letter in reply to my letter giving my reaction to the recent riot in Bombay and the wretched Hindi-Urdu controversy. I thought that I should share with you this considered letter. I do not regard the Jhansi election as a rout. It is an honourable defeat, giving rise to the hope that if we plod away we can effectively take the Congress message to the Mussalmans. But I still abide by my opinion that the mere taking of the message unaccompanied by substantial work in the villages won’t answer our purpose in the end. But it all depends upon the way in which we want to generate power. Meherally’s speech in Madras is an eye-opener for me. I wonder how far he represents the general socialistic view. Rajaji has sent me a cutting containing his speech. I hope he has sent a copy to you also. I call it a bad speech of which you should take notice. This is going contrary to the Congress policy as I read it. There is also Roy’s speech at Madras. I take it, you get all such cuttings. Nevertheless, for ready reference I enclose the cuttings which Pyarelal has made for me. Roy has been writing to me, too. You should see his latest letter. It will go with this if I have not destroyed it. What is your reaction to his attitude? As I have already told you I find it difficult to understand him. Your calling khadi ‘livery of freedom’ will live as long as we speak the English language in India. It needs a first-class poet to translate into Hindi the whole of the thought behind that enchanting phrase. For me it is not merely poetry but it enunciates a great truth whose full significance we have yet to grasp.”121

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am writing this on the train taking us to Delhi. Herewith is my Foreword or whatever it may be called. I could not give you anything elaborate. You have “perhaps” before Pushtu and Punjabi. I suggest your removing the adverb. Khan Saheb for instance will never give up Pushtu. I believe it is written in some script, I forget which. And Punjabi? The Sikhs will die for Punjabi written in Gurmukhi. There is no elegance about that script. But I understand that it was specially invented like Sindhi to isolate the Sikhs from the other Hindus. Whether such was the case or to, it seems to me impossible at present to persuade the Sikhs to give up Gurmukhi. You have suggested a common script to be evolved out of the four Southern languages. It seems to me to be as easy for them to substitute Devanagari as a mixture of the four. From a practical standpoint, the four do not admit of an invented mixture. I would, therefore, suggest you’re confining yourself to the general recommendation that wherever possible the provincial languages which have vital connection with Sanskrit, if they are not off-shoots from it, should adopt revised Devanagari. You may know that this propaganda is going on. Then, if you think like me, you should not hesitate to express the hope that as Hindus and Muslims are one day bound to be one at heart, they will also, who speak Hindustani, adopt one script, i. e., Devanagari, because of its being more scientific and being akin to the great provincial scripts of the languages descended from Sanskrit. If you adopt my suggestions in part or in toto you will have no difficulty in laying your finger on the spots requiring the necessary changes. I had intended to do so myself in order to save your time. But I must not put that strain on my system just now. I take it that my endorsement of your suggestions does not mean that I must ask the Hindi Sammelan to give up the use of the word Hindi. I am sure, that cannot be your meaning. I have taken it to the farthest limit possible as far as I can think. If you cannot accept my suggestions, it would be better for the sake of accuracy to add the following sentence to the ‘Foreword’: ‘At any rate I have no hesitation in heartily endorsing them in a general way.’ I hope Indu’s operation will go off well.”122

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I saw the Viceroy. You will have seen the communiqué. It correctly summarizes the interview. There were other incidental things which Kripalani will mention to you when he meets you. One thing I may mention here. He might invite you as he invited me. I told him that if the invitation was sent, you were not likely to refuse it. Was I right? I am sorry for having inflicted Roy’s speeches on you. But I think you were bound to read them. However I am in no hurry to have your opinion on them. You may take your time unless you have already read them. I note that you are having the operation for Indu in Bombay.”123

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had read it before receiving your letter. But it did not offend me. I suppose because you approved of the action of the students of the summer school and I could not defend it any way whatsoever. I think that it was necessary to draw attention to the fact that the release did not mean approval of this breach or the offence which in law it was. I fear that often when the Congress is in power it will use language which its predecessors have used and yet the motive behind will be different. I hope you will have a nice time in Bombay over the operation. You will wire when it is over.”124 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “So far as I am concerned Pattabhi is a good choice. But I suppose you will have the sense of the members of the Committee. I don’t know whether you will find time to attend the Educational Conference that is being held in Wardha, for which the invitation has gone to you. If you can, I would like you to come, but I do not want you to make time for the Conference if more important work requires your presence elsewhere. Undoubtedly it will be a strain for two days, but your presence will be a solace to me if you can come.”125

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am trying to come to Calcutta, leaving here on the 25th. You will then tell me all about the ministerial deeds in the Congress Provinces. I do hope that the sore throat and cold were only temporary things, and that you were able to stand the strain in the Punjab. The climate in the Frontier must be very delightful. How I wish you would take things easy for a time at least!”126 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Enclosed herewith is the judgement of the inquiry committee about the two issues raised by Shri Nariman in his correspondence with you and me. I had thought that Shri Nariman’s acceptance of my recommendation to make a confession which was to take the place of the judgement was a fair ending to an inquiry which gave me many an anxious moment. But Shri Nariman’s recantation of the confession which l first saw only in the Press alters the position and reveals the painful state of Shri Nariman’s mind. The recantation contains a patent untruth as pointed out by me in my letter to Shri Nariman which you will find in the enclosure. I recall the fact that Shri Nariman himself courted the inquiry and deliberately wanted an investigation into the charge made on him by Sardar Vallabhbhai of a grave breach of trust in the matter of the Bombay election in 1934. In his letter addressed to you occurs the following sentence: If the verdict of such an independent tribunal and enquiry tends to blame me in the slightest degree, then I will willingly submit to any penalty which you or any other authority chooses to impose, but at the same time hoping and expecting that, if the blame is found elsewhere, similar indiscriminating judgment should follow regardless of personalities or personal considerations. In his letters to me (I have not the copies with me), he went further and said that, if he was found guilty of the Sardar’s charge, he would consider himself to be unworthy of holding any office of trust. I am of opinion that by his conduct Shri Nariman has proved himself unworthy of holding any position of trust, not only because he has been found guilty of grave breach of trust in 1934 election and has failed to prove the charge brought by him against Sardar Vallabhbhai, but by his subsequent conduct as betrayed in the correspondence, and especially by his unfortunate recantation of the confession freely given by him in the presence of his counsel.”127

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The weakness has not yet left me. I need prolonged rest from all mental toil, but that perhaps cannot be had. This I write to report to you what I have done about the prisoners in Bengal, and to ascertain whether it meets with your approval. The negotiations have been a taxing affair. Before entering upon them I had consulted the two Brothers as to the desirability of securing relief through negotiations. It was possible to be indifferent as to the result and rely upon the growth of public opinion forcing release whenever it was to come. The Brothers were emphatically for negotiations, whilst public agitation continued. I unfolded my plan also and it was after the style of my telegram to the Andamans prisoners. And so I saw the repatriates, detenus brought back from Deoli and last night the Hijli prisoners. The Ministers have agreed to release what they call ‘village and home domiciled’ detenus almost forthwith, and inside of four months to release those in the detenus camps whom they may consider to be safe. For the rest they will accept my recommendation, if they are not earlier released. My recommendation will depend upon my ascertaining the present belief of the detenus. If I am able to say to the Government that they do not believe in methods of violence for the attainment of independence and that they will pursue such Congress activities as are approved of by the Congress from time to time, they will release them. A declaration of policy might be made any time. I need not go into the details of the conversations with the prisoners in the several prisons and in Hijli camp. I wonder if all this commends itself to you. If you strongly disapprove of it, I would like you to telegraph. Otherwise I shall await your letter. The strikes in Ahmadabad of which I have no knowledge, except from what I gather from the papers, as also what the papers say about Sholapur, disturbed me. If we cannot control the situation either because a section of the Congressmen would not submit to Congress discipline or because the Congress cannot control the activities of those who are outside the Congress influence, our holding of offices is bound to prove detrimental to the Congress cause. The ‘Bande Mataram’ controversy has not yet died out. Many Bengalis are sore at heart over the W. C. decision. Subhas told me he was trying to calm the atmosphere. I expect to have to go back to Bengal soon after the assumption of office by the incoming Governor. I hope you are keeping well. The paragraph in the newspaper about Sarup was disturbing. Is her health unequal to the strain she is undergoing? This is being written as we are nearing Nagpur. We arrive Wardha this evening.”128

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “This is not a final draft. I want you to read it sympathetically. I feel that unless we do some such thing, the tension must continue. Anyway at one o’ clock I won’t take all of you by surprise. I have discussed the subject with the Maulana at some length.”129 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Here is a copy of Mahadev’s notes on his Frontier Province visit. As I could not go and as we had disturbing news, I felt that he should be sent. I am not circulating the notes among all the members. I am sending copies to the Maulana and Subhas. The notes have made me disconsolate. Mahadev has more to say. I am sending a copy, of course, to the Brothers. I hope you will feel impelled to use your great influence over the Brothers. I am of course in telegraphic communication. I may even visit the Province for a few days, if Khan Saheb wants me to go, in spite of the shock I have received. We seem to be weakening from within. It hurts me that, at this very critical juncture in our history, we do not seem to see eye to eye in important matters. I can’t tell you how positively lonely I feel to know that nowadays I can’t carry you with me. I know that you would do much for affection. But in matters of state, there can be no surrender to affection, when the intellect rebels. My regard for you is deeper for your revolt. But that only intensifies the grief of loneliness. But I must stop.”130

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