For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Gandhian Scholar

Gandhi Research Foundation Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail- dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net

dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru was a famous freedom fighter and Became first prime minister of India after independence. He was born on 14 November 1889 in Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. His father Motilal Nehru was a Kashmiri Pandit. He had taken participate every movement for freedom of India. He obeyed Mahatma Gandhi in it. He was one of the beloved leaders of Mahatma Gandhi.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have not intended, nor do I intend now to form any decided opinion about making appointments, fixing salaries, etc. As I shared Joseph’s opinion that he should be by his wife’s side when she was so much troubled, and as the Sikh friends who came to see me seemed to be very anxious to have a substitute for Gidwani, a substitute who could also edit their paper Onward, I was on the look-out for one. They wanted Sundaram who used to be on the Independent and suggested that he could do both the things¾publicity and editing. On my arrival at the retreat near Andheri, I saw Panikkar who had come to see Mr. Andrews in order to discuss the advisability of an offer that was made to him by the Indian Daily Mail. He had hesitation in accepting the offer because the Mail politics were not his. I then thought of the publicity work and asked Panikkar whether he would shoulder the burden, and as I did not know him well, I consulted Mr. Andrews too, and when Panikkar was prepared to go to Amritsar if you wanted him and as Mr. Andrews thought that he would make a very good substitute for Gidwani, I wired. But I had no desire that you should be influenced in any way by the wire because it was from me. If I was well and could acquaint myself with all the details, I should certainly have given my advice and opinion as to the selection, but for the present beyond interesting myself in the few things in which I must, I really do not want to tax my energy. With reference to the salary the position was this. Panikkar was in the Swarajya office at Rs. 700/- per month, but as the paper is not, self-supporting, it has not been able to pay him a few months’ salary. He left it because he could not hit it off with Mr. Srinivasa Iyengar. He has to discharge a debt of Rs. 900 in Madras. He needs Rs. 300 per month. I therefore thought that if he was paid Rs. 900 in advance, he could discharge the debt and proceed to Amritsar. He would still want his expenses [to be met] at Amritsar. For this Rs. 100 monthly should be paid to him by way of loan. At the end of 3 months’ service, therefore, he will be owing to the Congress Rs. 300. This may again be deducted from his salary at the rate of Rs. 100 per month. That means that he has to serve for 6 months in order to discharge the loan he would be receiving. I am now perturbed because I gather from your letter that he may not be wanted for that length of time. I would not like to be the instrument of useless expense to the Congress. I propose, therefore, to place the whole situation before Panikkar, and he will probably agree that if his services are dispensed with before 6 months, he should be liable for the unpaid balance of the loan. He is not here at the present moment, or I should have sent you a more decisive letter. I do not feel that you would want me, if it was possible, to cancel the engagement with Panikkar and am therefore letting it stand and sending him to Amritsar tomorrow. In accordance with your latest telegram, he will be going direct to Amritsar. Please authorize the Treasurer to reimburse to me the amount that I shall be paying Panikkar. Indeed, if I was minded to influence you, I should ask you to reconsider the question of each appointment for two reasons:

(1) Should the Congress spend money on non-Congress work?

(2) What should be the maximum the Congress should pay its servants? It is so much for business. My wound is completely healed, but the affected part is yet tender and requires care and attention. The seaside convalescence is likely to suit me. I propose, if all goes well, to stop here for 3 months. During the time I shall be doing as much writing work as I can and conferring with the leaders upon the Council-entry, etc. Father, Hakimji and others are expected here by the end of the month. You need not hesitate to come down for consultation whenever you wish. I expect in any event to see you on the 20th prox. as I understand the Working Committee meets on that date. I do hope you are keeping well and taking care of yourself. Panikkar has seen this letter and he will hold himself ready to be relieved whenever you think it necessary and would be liable for repayment of the loan.”1

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “In my opinion, you should enter into correspondence with the Government and ascertain the reason for the prohibition and say that, if anything can be pointed out to the committee as really objectionable, your committee would be prepared to delete the passages. If the Government returns an unsatisfactory reply, you should intimate to them that the words will not be withdrawn from circulation. The Government is not likely to bother the children and, even if they do, the only thing they can do is to remove the books from the children. The latter may be advised then not to mind and hand over the books to the police. I do not think there is any other penalty. Please look up the law and let me know. I feel that no matter how much we may have become demoralized, we may not shirk a battle that may be given to us. We need not take up aggressive civil disobedience, we may not take up mass civil disobedience; but we must face that which comes our way and tests us. Don’t you think so? How to give battle will be a question for you to decide as the situation develops.”2

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had heard from Father already. I am so sorry. I thought I was writing a harmless letter showing the depth of my feeling. I have therefore implored Father to let me have his views on the merits of the proposal. I have discussed it with many friends among the Swarajists. I can see no other honourable solution of the difficulty. Please tell me what you think about it. The Nabha answer is from its own standpoint conclusive. The only answer that can be returned is to take up the challenge to be arrested. In the present state of things, it seems to be unwise. The best thing, therefore, is to be silent and wait for better times. I have your very prompt report on Amethi. It makes very painful reading. I do not know what to do. I have sent Shwaib and Kristodas to Gulbarga also privately to ascertain facts. Do please go to Nabha as soon as you can. You may take Hayat and Moazzam. They should know the place. As M. has not been able to make headway, it is difficult to try anything regarding my movement. I am here at least till Monday.”3

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You must not be stunned. Rather rejoice that God gives strength and direction to do my duty. I could not do otherwise. As the author of non-co-operation, a heavy responsibility lies on my shoulders. Do give me in writing your impressions of Lucknow and Cawnpore. Let me drink the cup to the full. I am quite at peace with myself.”4 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “It does appear to me to be necessary to have a flying column of workers, Hindu and Mohammedan, who would on a moment’s notice be ready to go to afflicted parts for investigation. We may not wait always for distinguished men to go. Take for instance the case sent to you yesterday. If the statements made are true, the culprits should be exposed. If they are false, newspaper reporters should be brought to book. The investigation should be prompt and thorough. I am preparing Mahadev for the work and am trying to induce Pyarelal. The latter is unnecessarily diffident. Will Manzar Ali do the work? He may be paid for it? He should have no objection to accepting remuneration. His spinning work need not be disturbed. His activity may be confined to U.P. only, though I would prefer not to have any restrictions unless we get an army of workers in the field. For the case sent to you yesterday, I hope you will send someone at once. What about the case that was sent to you some weeks ago?”5

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Just a line to wish you many happy returns of the day for the service of the motherland and for self-realization. If it is possible, do come with Father.”6 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have written something in Young India about the textbooks of Prof. Ramdas Gaur. So I am not replying separately. Hope Kamala is well. I am going to the Punjab.”7 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am in Tithal, a place somewhat like Juhu, resting for four days to fit myself for the Bengal ordeal. I am trying here to overtake my correspondence in which I find your letter referring to the article “God and Congress”. I sympathize with you in your difficulties. True religion being the greatest thing in life and in the world, it has been exploited the most. And those who have seen the exploiters and the exploitation and missed the reality naturally get disgusted with the thing itself. But religion is, after all, a matter for each individual, and then took a matter of the heart, call it then by whatever name you like, that which gives one the greatest solace in the midst of the severest fire is God. Anyway, you are on the right track. I do not mind reason being the sole test even though it often bewilders one and lands one in errors that border on superstition. Cow-protection to me is infinitely more than mere protection of the cow. The cow is merely a type for all that lives. Cow-protection means protection of the weak, the helpless, the dumb and the deaf. Man becomes then not the lord and master of all creation but he is its servant. The cow to me is a sermon on pity. As yet we are merely playing at cow-protection. But we shall soon have to grapple with the reality. I hope you have received all my previous letters. I have a doleful letter from Mr. Satyapal. I wish you could go to the Punjab even if it is only for a few days. Your visit will hearten him. I wish Father would have two months in a quiet and cool place. And why will you not go to Almora for a week or so and combine work with a breath of cool air?”8

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am glad you are taking Kamala with you. Yes, if both of you cannot, you at least should come here before you go. About the Deshbandhu Memorial, your letter to Jamnalalji will be enough. About A.I.S.A., you will remain Secretary but if an assistant is required, Shankerlal should have one. I cannot blame you for not preparing the chart you have not idled away your time. You should have clothes that would answer in Europe.”9 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Though you have left a note for Dr. Mehta, I have also written to make assurance doubly sure. I hope Kamala kept excellent health on board. Did you all profit by the voyage? No time to say anything more.”10 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have had the latest news about you from Father while he was here with the Responsivists. You will have seen the agreement that has been arrived at. Hindus and Muslims are going more and more away from each other. But this thing does not disturb me. Somehow or other, I feel that the separation is growing in order only to bring them all closer later on. I do hope Kamala is benefiting.”11

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am still convalescing and am able to do only a moderate amount of work; but I am making steady progress. You have been there a long time now; but I know you have not wasted it. I hope however that Kamala will become completely restored when you return. If her health requires a longer stay, I presume that you will remain there. I read most carefully your public report as also your private confidential report about the doings of the Oppressed Nations’ Conference. I myself do not expect much from this league, if only because it’s free activity depends upon the goodwill of the powers that are partners in the exploitation of the oppressed nations and I feel that the members of the European nations that joined the league will not be able to sustain the last heat. For, they will not be able to accommodate themselves to what they would consider to be an injury to their self-interest. On our side there is danger of our people again looking to external forces and external aid for salvation instead of seeking to achieve it by evolving internal strength. But this is mere academic opinion. I am not at all carefully following European events. You are on the spot and you may see an altruistic improvement in the atmosphere there which I miss altogether. There is some talk of your being chosen as President for the coming Congress. I am in correspondence with Father about it. The outlook here is not at all happy in spite of the unanimous resolution of the A.I.C.C. on the Hindu-Muslim question. I do not know whether the process of breaking heads will in any way be checked. We have lost hold upon the masses, and it seems to me that if you became President, you will be lost for one year at any rate to the masses. That, however, does not mean that Congress work has to be neglected. Someone has got to do it; but there are many who are willing and eager to do that work, maybe, due to mixed motives, even selfish motives; but they will keep the Congress going on somehow or other. The institution will always be, at their wish, at the disposal of those who may be qualified for mass work and may have gained control over the masses. The question then is how your services can be best utilized. What you yourself think, you should do. I know you are capable of taking a detached view and you will say quite unselfishly like Dadabhai or Mac Swiney “put the crown on my head”, and I have no doubt that it will be so put. I do not myself see the way so clear as to make me force the crown on you and plead with you to wear it. Father will be writing to you also by this mail, if he has not done so already. I am sending a copy of this to him. It might be as well for you to cable your wishes. I am likely to be in Bangalore till the end of July. You may therefore send your cable directly to Bangalore, or to be absolutely certain send it to the Ashram and it will be repeated to me wherever I may be.”12

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Events have moved fairly fast between the dates of my letter and of the arrival of your letters. Sarojini Devi suggested under pressure from Mahmudabad2 and Mr. Jinnah that I should press Father to accept the Presidential chair for the coming year. I totally dissented from her view and told her that Dr. Ansari was the only possible President, though even he will be able to do precious little. Things are going from bad to worse, and it is quite plain that we have not yet drunk the last dregs. But I regard all this rising of the poison to the surface as a necessary process in national up-building. It is quite true that what was burrowing under the surface has now broken through the crust and allows itself to be seen by the naked eye. Kamala, Krishna and Indu, or was it you three without Indu, I now forget. You all seem to have grown fuller in the face and all over. I hope that the appearance coincides with the reality. Though I am not yet physically quite strong, I have resumed the interrupted tour with considerable modifications and in gentle stages. I will not have resumed it but for the fact that collections were locked up and could not be freed unless I presented myself for receiving them. Shankerlal and Anasuyabehn are just now with me in addition to the party mentioned by me in my previous letter.”13

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I hope Chand is out of the wood. My point is not that you had not thought out any of your resolutions, much less the Independence one; but my point is that neither you nor anyone else had thought out the whole situation and considered the bearing and propriety of the resolutions. The finest resolutions may be irrelevant or out of place. But you should read carefully my article on the Congress. The special article on Independence will be out tomorrow. The Unity resolution needs much working out. Do come whenever you can and when you come bring your work here and give yourself enough time. This is scrappy but can’t give you more just now.”14 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am sensing all that is going on in Delhi and can understand every word of what you have said in your letter. I can’t give you an adequate conception of my grief as I follow the Conference proceedings from day to day and read between the lines. Father’s illuminating letter only confirmed my own reading from a distance. Then came Kripalani’s letter yesterday to Krishnadas, and yours has come today to put the finishing touch. What a miserable show we are putting up against the insolence of Lord Birkenhead and the crookedness of the Commissioners? I had not expected much from Sir John Simon, but I was not at all prepared for his resorting to all the known tricks of bureaucracy, and this latest trade on untouchables adds to the ugliness of the whole picture. However, we have to be patient. You must therefore patiently go through the agony and mend where you can. Do come as early as possible. I hope Kamala is keeping up her strength, if not actually adding to it. I wonder if Father has told you that, before you came, when Father was with me in Bangalore, he and I had contemplated your stay in Bangalore because of its magnificent climate during summer. There are just four weeks of somewhat trying weather, but you could always go to Nandi Hill only 35 miles from Bangalore where you have delightfully cool weather. In no case should Kamala be allowed to lose what she gained in Switzerland.”15

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “He has now written directly to me, but as I promised the message to you, here it is. I hope you are following my articles on boycott and mills. I am having conferences with the mill-owners also. Whether they will come to anything I do not know. But if anything appears to you wrong or weak you will please let me know. How is Kamala doing? Where are you going to keep her during the hot season?”16 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I however agree with you that nothing will come out of them at the present moment. But the negotiations may fructify on due occasion. There was a time when the mill-owners were absolutely defiant about boycott propaganda. I shall write to you after these negotiations are finished. Though Romain Rolland’s first expected letter has arrived and [he] warmly looks [forward] to my proposed visit, it does not enable me to come to a decision. As the time for arriving at a fixed decision is drawing nearer, my diffidence is growing. There may be however a cable from Rolland next week and it may decide my fate. Meanwhile there is no going to Singapur. I am fixed up here for the time being. If I do not go to Europe, I am due to go to Burma and pass there two months, going to a hill-side and making collections during my stay there. I am quite of your opinion that some day we shall have to start an intensive movement without the rich people and without the vocal educated class. But that time is not yet. You do not tell me where Kamala is to pass the summer months.”17

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You will see my article on mills in the current issue of Young India. The latest move is on their own to start a Swadeshi League without reference to us. Do not think anything concrete is going to come out of my effort. By all means let them prosecute their own plans. So far as I can see, we must confine our attention to khadi hawking. No final decision has yet been arrived at about the European visit. I am shirking it and making it depend upon some further indication from Rolland which I should have next week.”18 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I do not remember Father having told me that he would be back in Bombay to confer with the mill owners during the last week of this month. But he and I discussed the question of foreign cloth boycott at length and he had a conference with Seth Lalji, Shantikumar, Seths Ambalal, Kasturbhai and Mangaldas. It was a good conference, but nothing definite was done. I have now heard that the mill-owners are going to start their own Swadesh League which means of course that we are not coming to any terms. The Ashram I had a long discussion with Lalaji today, for he was here for two days. He is enthusiastic about boycott of foreign cloth. I have supplied him with literature. He even suggested that I should invite a few leaders and confer with [them] about boycott. I told him I had not the courage to do so. He is of opinion that if intense boycott propaganda is to be taken up, I must not go out of the country, wherein of course I agree; but I cannot take up intense propaganda unless politically-minded India is wholeheartedly with me and unless the agitation about temporary boycott of British cloth, principally British cloth, is given up. We have, therefore, come to this provisional arrangement that if anything concrete takes place by spontaneous action on the part of the known leaders, I should give up the idea of going to Europe. On the other hand if nothing of that kind happens and if otherwise I see my way clear, I should proceed and that Lalaji and others who are minded like him should cultivate an atmosphere for intense propaganda about foreign cloth boycott with or without the Assistance of mills. I therefore suggest that you should confer with Dr. Ansari and others. I suppose they will all go to the Punjab and pass the resolution about foreign cloth boycott through khadi. I would warn you against any mention of indigenous mill-cloth. You can simply say: “Whereas the only effective means of immediately demonstrating the united strength of the nation lies through boycott of foreign cloth, this Conference urges all concerned completely to boycott foreign cloth and adopt hand-spun and hand woven khadi even though such adoption may necessitate revision of one’s taste about dress and some pecuniary sacrifice.’ You will also let me know the result of private discussions you may have with friends and advice me as to whether I should give up the idea of going to Europe. Dr. Ansari should really be able to decide.”19

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Do you know that even when you wrote to me that you were going to the Punjab, I did not know that you were going as the president of the Conference? When Dr. Kitchlew wrote to me, he said nothing about who the president was to be. However I was glad when I learnt that you presided. Of course I notice everywhere what you noticed at the Conference. I wonder if you have noticed what I sense everywhere, utter absence of seriousness and disinclination to do any concrete work demanding sustained energy. Do you find any hope in the Punjab for Hindu-Muslim unity? About the European visit, I can give you no definite news yet. The fiasco about mills you know everything [of] by this time from Father.”20 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Of course you know already the calamity that has befallen me on the death of Maganlal. It is well-nigh unbearable. However I am putting on a brave front. I had not read the resolution asking the Congress to drop “peaceful and legitimate means” and change the expression into “by all possible means”. Independence I can swallow, “by all means” is unswallowable. But I suppose we shall have to develop stomach strong enough to swallow any poison. I hope however that you will not allow yourself to be exploited beyond your wish and capacity. The mill-owners, it has now become obviously clear, wanted to do a deal with the Congress. But I am not sorry for these abortive negotiations. They have cleared the atmosphere. The expected letter from Romain Rolland was received on Sunday. He will not bear the burden I wanted him to do. So I am not going this year. But you will read about this in the pages of Young India.”21

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The news about Kamala and Indu is disturbing. I am hoping to have more definite information from you. I am tempted to suggest for both, and certainly at least for Kamala, the poor man’s remedy, and that is hip-bath and sitz-bath according to Kuhne’s system, and dieting together with sun-bath. But I know that this is not practicable and that she will have to go through the ordinary treatment. I hope that there will be an agreed draft constitution in a complete from brought out by the Committee. Mahadev had a serious fall from the platform of the Ashram well. He is bed-ridden but better.”22 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “It is clear that we have not got the atmosphere for a proper settlement. Look at the Kharagpur horror! There will have to be more pitched battles before the parties come to their senses. I wish you will not feel lonely. Let us recognize that the task before workers is not as easy as we thought at one time it was. I would like you not to lose patience and take up some plodding work with a living faith in it. Let The Song Celestial be your guide-book.”23

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I do hope Kamala and Indu are flourishing. I had your wire and letter. The Presidential business is now finished. I write this to consult you about Bhuvarji. He asks the Ashram to give him Rs. 20 per month and for this he wants Rs. 100 in advance. I would like you to tell me how he is working and whether he is giving you satisfaction. The A.I.S.A. will not and cannot give him anything. Do you advise the Ashram to supply his needs? What is the nature of work he is doing?”24 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I shall be sorry indeed if you have to enter the Municipality again, unless you enter it on condition of perfect obedience being rendered to you. If you have to go in for the purpose of settling disputes, it is not worthwhile. My conviction is that you cannot combine all-India work with solid municipal work. Solid municipal work is a thing complete in itself and requires all the energy that a man can give it and I would not like your work to be anything but solid. I was to have gone to Mysore to attend the Christian Convention. That was the hope I had given to friends during the middle of the year, but I informed them about a month ago that my going was impossible, if I was to have any rest at all. The news you had given me about Kamala is bad. I like the idea of her being under treatment in Calcutta. She will have there the best medical advice possible. I do hope that you will find time to attend the meeting here.”25

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “It was all done bravely. You have braver things to do. May God spare you for many a long year to come and make you His chosen instrument for freeing India from yoke?”26 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I had certainly intended to tour in some parts of the U.P. in response to a request made by some workers in Banda and Jhansi. But they withdrew the request, being diffident. The tour, therefore, was cancelled. There is yet another in prospect and that is near Meerut and Delhi. They want me to go there in March. But for March I have so many engagements from which I have got to choose. There is Andhra, there is Karnatak and there is Burma besides Delhi and Meerut; and there is also the Punjab. Lalaji’s Society people want me there for their anniversary celebration. I am awaiting Father’s decision as to the proposed European visit. If he cancels that visit, then the way will be open for me to satisfy all the demands upon my time. If he wants the European visit to come off, then I may not extend my tour beyond the first week of April. I cannot take the matter any further just now. But I would like you to help me to make my choice. You will consult Father about his wishes and that will enable you to guide me better. By the time this reaches you, Father will have probably telegraphed to me his opinion. If he has not, please see that he does. How is Kamala doing now? And how are you yourself faring? You have become Secretary. I want you to throw yourself heart and soul therefore into the programme, and compel obedience to instructions from the Working Committee and try to bring order out of the existing disgraceful disorder.”27

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Jamnalalji tells me that you want Kripalani to take up organization under you, that is to say, to take up the work that Sitla Sahai was doing and add to it as much as he can. Your letter under reply does not quite give me that impression. Kripalani himself, I understand, has written to you already, because on the strength of Jamnalalji’s letter, I had begun to talk to him before receipt of your letter and so had Shankerlal. You will now write to me therefore what you exactly intend in this matter. If I do not tour in the U.P. in the near future and if you can come over to Sabarmati even for a day or two, we can discuss many things. I utterly distrust doctors’ reports about Kamala whether they are favourable or unfavorable. I wish you and Father and Kamala will make up your minds for her to take the natural treatment that means Kuhne’s bath and sun baths. Sun baths are now in vogue even amongst the medical profession and very extraordinary results are claimed for them. You will telegraph if necessary about Kripalani.”28

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You will see my letter to Father about the European visit. I would like you to let me have your own opinion on it. It will help me in coming to a decision. Jamnalalji and Shankerlal, more especially Jamnalalji, have set their hearts upon Kripalani. They have no faith in Sitla Sahai4 being able to do much. They think that he has not been able to show himself to advantage during the three years he has been at work in U.P. I am therefore going to confer with Sitla Sahai and see what he has to say. But before I decide anything finally, I would like you to let me have your own view about Sitla Sahai. Here is a copy of my Sind programme.”29 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have had a chat with Sitla Sahai, and both of us have come to the conclusion that, all things considered, it is best for him to resign and that he should, for the time being, be in the Ashram with his wife. During that time he will master all the technique of khadi and take part in all such other activities of the Ashram as may be necessary. I want him also during this time of preparation and probation to understand my method of work. I agree with you that he is a valuable worker and therefore should be as efficient as possible. Immediately after my departure from Sind, he will come to Allahabad to wind up his home and to prepare the papers for handing over charge and the balance-sheet to date so that whenever Kripalani is ready to go there he can take charge. I wish you will not listen to doctors when they object to the Indian sun. You have heard of Dr. Muthu Revashankerbhai’s son Dhiru was suffering from tuberculosis of the bone. After having tried sanatorium cure in Solon and all the doctors he could get hold of in Bombay, he sent for Dr. Muthu, paid him a fee of thousand rupees per day. Dr. Muthu had no better advice to offer than to prescribe open air, light food and sun treatment. The affected bone was discharging some time one pound of pus per day. The affected bone had to be exposed to the sun every morning for a few hours and he had to lie in the open air the whole day long. He was not even sent to a sanatorium. He is now completely cured. European sun may be better, but the Indian rival is by no means to be despised. Doctors here suggest the morning sun. They say that ultra-violet rays are best taken between 8 and 10 o’clock and in summer between 7 and 8. But it really depends upon the patient’s condition.”30

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You should carefully read the Punjab letter that I have reproduced in Young India1 about what was done in Calcutta. Probably you knew everything of what is stated in the letter. I wish that you will make it your business first to put the Congress Committees in order and then organize the work in connection with the constructive programme. Unless by some unforeseen circumstances there is an honourable settlement with Great Britain, there will be practically no other party save the party of independence in the country. But the cry will be ineffective if we cannot put up a proper fight. If that fight is to be put up through the Congress, then the Congress must be a living thing. And if it is to be a non-violent fight then the present constructive programme ought to be worked now for all it is worth. Apart from the fact, therefore, that you, as is your wont, having taken up the secretaryship, would work your office whole-heartedly, I would like you on the strength of merits also to give your undivided attention to the Congress programme. I cannot help feeling that we can do much with the boycott of foreign cloth through khadi and, if there are enough workers, also about picketing liquor shops. And if these things are to be done, I think that it is necessary for you to travel in all the provinces and first put the machinery in order. They stopped me from leaving for Sind yesterday owing to the terrible cold winds that had suddenly overtaken Sind. It was foolish of them to have stopped me, but I was helpless. I am now leaving tomorrow. You will therefore post-date the programme by two days. Sitla Sahai is leaving tomorrow to prepare balance-sheets, etc. I expect him back by the time I return from Sind Now that the European visit is dropped, you will be free to take me to the U.P. Andhra and Burma which must precede will prevent me from going there before the last week of April. I hope Kamala is better.”31

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I want to send you a longish thing, but I must not now. I have wired to you about Sitla Sahai. I have wired3 to you today that I shall be passing through Allahabad and that I shall be in Delhi for seven hours. I wish that we could see each other either in Delhi or in Allahabad and you may even travel some distance with me if it is possible. I am trying to procure the services of Jairamdas as Secretary for the boycott committee.4 He is coming here tomorrow. If he consents, of course, he has to leave the Council at least for this year. We shall talk about the future programme of the boycott committee. About the use of the purses to be presented to me, what you have said is quite correct. It will be predominantly used for khadi work. The tour was to be undertaken for khadi, but naturally I will now talk about the constructive programme. But if the people give the money unconditionally as they should, and if you think that some other use might be made of a part of the purses, we shall discuss about it. But you may put down this also as an item for discussion when we meet, lest I forget when we meet. I would like you not to arrange a hurricane tour but give more time to a few centers where people from surrounding places may gather and not many functions at one village. If you have not read my note about this in Young India please do read it now.”32

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “As things are, the Andhra people have not left me a single day to enable me to go to the Ashram and then to come to Bombay, and as now the May part of the tour is really for my recreation, I would not like to leave Bombay for Allahabad on the 27th May. But I would like to come to the Ashram for a few days and then go to Almora. I could still do Cawnpore, Allahabad and Lucknow before leaving for Almora, and could even go to the Punjab if the people in the Punjab so require it. No announcement therefore need just now be made, but if you want to fix the date in advance for Cawnpore and Lucknow and even for Almora, let it be a date after 10th of June. I would like to give a clear week to the Ashram before I move out. I would like you to ascertain from the Punjab people what they would have me to do. I have not got the Andhradesh programme rigidly fixed yet. For the time being therefore you would use Bezwada as headquarters. I expect to reach Bezwada on the 8th instant. I would like Sitla Sahai to come here if he is not required there for the time being. I want him to be here with reference to his wife and daughter, especially so during my absence. I send the measurements for Padma's glasses which please hand over to him. I promised to get those measurements and have them sent over to him.”33

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have gone through the Bareilly report. It says nothing, so far as I can see, about the prospect of khadi. Have you read it? What do you propose about it? As for the tour, you would arrange as you think best. Prabhudas wrote an urgent letter. I have told him I should be ready to go after 10th June and that he should fix the programme in consultation with you. This tour is somewhat trying but I am taking it very well indeed. I saw a summary of your speech on the tomb I liked it.”34 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “What a weight upon your mind to have both Kamala and Krishna with the severe attacks you have described. I suppose these domestic troubles must also be taken as part of national discipline. I am glad that Krishna does not require an operation. You may not know that Andhra Desha is noted for nature-cure men and some of them are really brave fellows, brave in the sense that they relentlessly pursue the search without counting the cost. This remedy has in many cases answered where everything else has failed. And it has the merit of simplicity combined with perfect harmlessness even where it may not result in a cure. I wish you would turn your attention to these cures. Of course in this strict dieting plays a most important part. Where patients do not submit to the dietetic prescriptions, the treatment becomes valueless. I take it that in spite of Bengal’s desire for a postponement, A.I.C.C. will meet on the advertised date. I had your telegram about Almora. I shall hope to leave Ashram after the tenth of June so as to reach Almora on the 15th. Yes, you can have me for U.P. and the Punjab and Delhi for the whole of September and October, if October is also wanted. About the Allahabad Municipal Board, you shall decide. I am fed up with addresses. You may therefore accept on my behalf if there is any political or other advantage to be derived from it. If I have received any communication from the Board I have no recollection of it. Andhra P.C.C. has asked for extension of time up to June on the plea that most of the Congress workers are busy in their own districts with arrangements for the tour and hence are unable to supply the information I wanted. This fact in itself is an evidence of the chaos that reigns supreme in our house. For what I see throughout Andhra is true almost of every province. I have failed to get any satisfaction from Utkal. I expect the Tamilnad Secretary on Sunday at Nellore. I have written to Ghanshyamdas Birla instead of Ramjeebhai to find an auditor of repute for auditing Bengal P. C. C.’s accounts.”35

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am glad you will join me during the tour. Copies of the reports make sad reading. I suggest your sending copies to the respective committees with your observations and suggestions. The report about Bihar surprises me. But that shows the extent of our fall. Hope Kamala and Krishna are well.”36 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I read the current Congress Bulletin. I think that the reproduction of that statement was out of place in an official publication which is designed merely to record Congress activities. Is it not like a government gazette? On merits too, I understand that it was prepared by their counsel. It is not the outpouring of earnest souls as you and I thought it was. Nor did I like your advocacy and approval of the fast they are undergoing. In my opinion, it is an irrelevant performance and in so far as it may be relevant, it is like using Nasmyth hammer to crush a fly. I would like you to come to a decision soon regarding the Presidentship. Why this hesitation? I thought at Almora it was agreed that you would wear the crown. On this, read the enclosed and hand it on to Father. I hope Kamala is well.”37

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have glanced at the programme. So far as I am concerned it is all right. I think I shall easily stand it. I have not checked it for Mondays. Pyarelal, Devdas and Kusumbehn will be with me. Vallabhbhai, Mahadev and Manibehn will reach via Jubbulpore. I do not think there will be any other company with me. You will please not detain me on 28th. I would like to get away by the first train after finishing on 27th. I hope Kamala is better. I do want to see her healthy and bright when I come to Allahabad.”38 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Your treatment of the subject is quite orthodox. The origin of man is now a debatable subject. The origin of religion is a still more debatable matter. But these differences do not detract from the value of your letters. They have a value derived not from the truth of your conclusions but from the manner of treatment and from the fact that you have tried to reach Indu’s heart and open the eyes of her understanding in the midst of your external activities. I did not want to strive with Kamala over the watch I have taken away. I could not resist the love behind the gift. But the watch will still be kept as a trust for Indu. In the midst of so many little ruffians about me, I could not keep such a piece of furniture. I would therefore be glad to know that Kamala will reconcile herself to Indu getting back her darling watch. My article on the Congress crown3 is already written. It will be out in the next issue of Young India.”39

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I do not like the title “Dawn of History”. “A Father’s Letters to His Daughter” may be a better title than ‘Letters to Indira” though I do not mind the latter. I wish Kamala would be freed from these recurring pains. I should risk the operation, if the doctors would perform it. I am keeping the clock under lock and key and shall bring it on my coming there. I go to Bombay on the 11th to meet Jinnah. I admire Sarojini Devi’s optimism. But I am going to Bombay without much hope.”40 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “This is an account they have sent me of the little band of satyagrahis who will present you with an address. You may not mind the wires and protests you are receiving. You will judge things for you when you go to Kathiawar if at all Kamala's condition permit you to do so. I leave Bombay 7th September for Bhopal and reach Agra as per programme on 11th unless you want any alteration.”41

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I am delighted over Kamala's operation. I hope she will be fully restored now. You may depend upon my not unduly pressing your name on the country. I felt bound to express my opinion to the committee at Lahore in reply to their wire. It is enough for your self-respect that you do not want the crown. It is an ugly business for anybody this time. I have simply pressed your name as of a principle. If the country is not ready to assert that principle, we can wait. If you are not to be the helmsman, the only alternative I can think of at this juncture is re-election of Father, or failing that, of Dr. Ansari. Can you think of any other name? I am preparing for the U.P. tour. I am daily recovering lost strength. I am in no way sorry for my experiment from which I have learnt a lot.”42 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “How shall I console you? Hearing others describes your state, I said to myself, ‘Have I been guilty of putting undue pressure on you?’ I have always believed you to be above undue pressure. I have always honoured your resistance. It has always been honourable. Acting under that belief I pressed my suit. Let this incident be a lesson. Resist me always when my suggestion does not appeal to your head or heart. I shall not love you the less for that resistance. But why are you dejected? I hope there is no fear of public opinion in you. If you have done nothing wrong, why dejection? The ideal of independence is not in conflict with greater freedom.

As an executive of ficer now and President for the coming year, you could not keep yourself away from a collective act of the majority of your colleagues. In my opinion your signature was logical, wise and otherwise correct. I hope therefore that you will get over your dejection and resume your unfailing cheerfulness. The statement you may certainly make. But there is no hurry about it at all. Here are copies of two cables just received. Please show them to Father too. If you feel like talking things over with me, do not hesitate to catch me wherever you like. I hope to see Kamala hale and hearty when I reach Allahabad.”43 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You must not resign just now. I have not the time to argue out my point. All I know is that it will affect the national cause. There is no hurry and no principle at stake. About the crown3, no one else can wear it. It never was to be a crown of roses. Let it be all thorns now. If I could have persuaded myself to wear it, I would have done so at Lucknow. The contingency I had in mind when I would be forced to wear it was not of this type. One of them was your arrest and increased repression. But let us reserve the whole of this for calm and detached discussion when we meet. Meanwhile may God give you peace?”44

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Here is my draft. I want you to consider it carefully and take your full share in the discussion tonight. I do not want you to suppress yourself in any way whatsoever except where you feel that self-suppression is better than self-expression on particular occasions. After all we must each serve according to our lights, not borrowed. Jawaharlal Nehru has proved to be a jewel of India. In his address lofty thoughts are couched in sweet and courteous language. Several topics have been dealt with thoroughly and yet the address is short. The splendour of the soul shines in every sentence. The apprehension that lurked in many hearts disappeared after the oration. As was the address, so was his deportment. During the Congress session he did all his work independently and impartially. And since he worked incessantly and strenuously everything was completed on time and without any hitch. If under the Presidentship of such a brave and righteous young man we can achieve nothing it will greatly surprise me. But if the ranks are unworthy, what can the brave captain do? Therefore, we should do some introspection. Are we fit to be under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru? If we are, then the outcome must be propitious. Liberty cannot be secured merely by proclaiming it. An atmosphere of liberty must be created within us. Liberty is one thing, and licence another. Many a time we confuse licence for liberty and lose the latter. Licence leads one to selfishness whereas liberty guides one to supreme good. Licence destroys society, liberty gives it life. In licence propriety is sacrificed; in liberty it is fully cherished. Under slavery we practice several virtues out of fear; when liberated we practice them of our own free will. A slave will not steal out of fear, will not quarrel with anyone, will not lie and will appear honest. He will be protected from dacoits and others by his master. A slave does not exercise his free will in whatever he does. A free man’s thoughts and actions are identical. Whether for good or for evil he acts of his own free will. Therefore, a free man reaps the full benefits of his good actions, and when this happens society progresses from day to day. A free man will not fail in his duty of protecting others. Therefore, if we have understood true freedom, we will shed communal fear. Hindus and Muslims will cease to fear one another. If both could shed fear at the same time all the better; but a free spirit should not expect the help of others to cast off fear. If the other side violates justice, even then he would not seek the help of a third party. He will depend only on his own strength, and if he loses, he will try to augment his own strength. To die fighting is itself victory, it is one’s duty. To run away from the fight is slavery and humiliation. Real freedom is impossible without the spirit of a true Kshatriya.”45

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “Jawaharlal Nehru has proved to be a jewel of India. In his address lofty thoughts are couched in sweet and courteous language. Several topics have been dealt with thoroughly and yet the address is short. The splendour of the soul shines in every sentence. The apprehension that lurked in many hearts disappeared after the oration. As was the address, so was his deportment. During the Congress session he did all his work independently and impartially. And since he worked incessantly and strenuously everything was completed on time and without any hitch. If under the Presidentship of such a brave and righteous young man we can achieve nothing it will greatly surprise me. But if the ranks are unworthy, what can the brave captain do? Therefore, we should do some introspection. Are we fit to be under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru? If we are, then the outcome must be propitious. Liberty cannot be secured merely by proclaiming it. An atmosphere of liberty must be created within us. Liberty is one thing, and licence another. Many a time we confuse licence for liberty and lose the latter. Licence leads one to selfishness whereas liberty guides one to supreme good. Licence destroys society, liberty gives it life. In licence propriety is sacrificed; in liberty it is fully cherished. Under slavery we practice several virtues out of fear; when liberated we practice them of our own free will. A slave will not steal out of fear, will not quarrel with anyone, will not lie and will appear honest. He will be protected from dacoits and others by his master. A slave does not exercise his free will in whatever he does. A free man’s thoughts and actions are identical. Whether for good or for evil he acts of his own free will. Therefore, a free man reaps the full benefits of his good actions, and when this happens society progresses from day to day. A free man will not fail in his duty of protecting others. Therefore, if we have understood true freedom, we will shed communal fear. Hindus and Muslims will cease to fear one another. If both could shed fear at the same time all the better; but a free spirit should not expect the help of others to cast off fear. If the other side violates justice, even then he would not seek the help of a third party. He will depend only on his own strength, and if he loses, he will try to augment his own strength. To die fighting is itself victory, it is one’s duty. To run away from the fight is slavery and humiliation. Real freedom is impossible without the spirit of a true Kshatriya. Therefore the unique quality of a Kshatriya is considered to be his determination never to shrink from a battle. For this reason we too, in everything we do, must never run away from the battlefield.”46

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I omitted to reply when I wrote to you to your important question about 26th instant. I think there should be nothing mentioned about processions. We do not want the people to hold processions under licenses, nor do we want them to hold them without. The only thing, therefore, they should do is to hold meetings and devote the day, if possible, to enlisting members. I do not think that speeches are necessary or advisable. I am anxious to avoid anticipation of a crisis. I would value perfect calm for ushering in civil disobedience. I am writing about this in Young India. I hope you received my draft declaration in good time.”47 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I never thought you would miss the importance of the 11 points. However I do not propose to waste your time by arguing when a day or two after this reaches you will be on your way to Sabarmati. I expect you here for certain on 12th. I hope to satisfy you that our case has been strengthened not weakened by the 11 points. Will Kamala accompany you?”48

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “After a talk with Sitla Sahai, I have decided to send him there. Let him see what he can do there and you will watch developments. If he and you decide that he should come back, he may do so. His wife and children will remain here and he can draw upon the Ashram for his bare upkeep. The rest you will hear from him.”49 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The air is thick with the rumour that I shall be arrested during the night. I have not wired to you especially because the correspondents submit their messages for approval and everybody is working at top speed. There was nothing special to wire about. Things are developing extraordinarily well. Offers of volunteers are pouring in. The column will proceed with the March even though I may be arrested. If I am not, you may expect wires from me; otherwise I am leaving instructions. I do not know that I have anything in particular to say. I have written enough. I gave a final message this evening to a vast crowd that gathered for prayer on the sands. May God keep you and give you strength to bear the burden.”50

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I hope you received what might have been my last letter. The news given to me of my impending arrest was said to be authentic. But we have reached the second stage safely. We take the third tonight. I am sending you the programme. All the friends are most particular that I should not go to Ahmadabad for the Working Committee. There is considerable force in the suggestion. The Working Committee may, therefore, come to the place where we may be for the day or you alone may come. The sentiment that we won’t voluntarily go back without finishing the struggle is being well cultivated. My going back will mar it a bit. Jamnalalji told me he had written to you about it. I hope Kamla is keeping well. I asked yesterday that full wires should be sent to you.”51 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “You are in for a whole night’s vigil but it is inevitable if you are to return before tomorrow night. The messenger will bring you where I may be. You are reaching me at the most trying stage in the march. You will have to cross a channel at about 2 a.m. on the shoulders of tried fishermen. I dare not interrupt the march even for the chief servant of the nation.”52

Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “I have not wired, as I do not think there are any Pathans at Dandi and, if there are, we shall cope with them. The advent even of good and true friends from the Frontier will cause complications. I want to present at Dandi, if I am allowed to reach it, the one issue without any avoidable complications. Things seem to be shaping very well indeed in Gujarat. I am surprised that they have already arrested so many in Rae Bareli. I feel you are right in confining your attention to the salt tax for the time being. We shall know during the next fortnight what more we can or should do. Unless you hear from me to the contrary, please take 6th April as the date for simultaneous beginning. It is now nearing 10 p.m., so good night.”53 So we can say that Mahatma Gandhi was guided him every aspect of life.

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