Political Violence and Mahatma Gandhi

[Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav]

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Senior Gandhian Scholar, Professor, Editor and Linguist

Gandhi International Study and Research Institute, Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

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Political Violence and Mahatma Gandhi  

 

 

It is not every kind of violence that will stop civil disobedience. I should not be dismayed by family feuds even though they may be sanguinary. Nor will the violence of robbers baffle me though they would be to me an indication of the absence of general purification. It is political violence which must stop civil disobedience. Chauri Chaura was an instance of political violence. It arose from a political demonstration which we should have avoided if we were not capable of conducting it absolutely peacefully. I did not allow Malabar and Malegaon to interrupt our course, because the Moplahs were a special people and they had not come under the influence of non-violence to any appreciable extent. Malegaon is more difficult, but there is clear evidence that the chief non-co-operators had tried their best to prevent the murders. Nor was mass civil disobedience imminent at the time. It could not interrupt individual civil disobedience elsewhere.  The non-co-operator’s pledge does not exclude the right of private self-defence. Non-co-operators are under prohibition as to political violence. Those, therefore, with whom non-co-operation is not their final creed, are certainly free to defend themselves or their dependents and wards against their assailants. But they may not defend themselves against the police acting in discharge of their duties, whether assumed or authorized. Thus, there was no right of self-defence under the pledge against Collectors who have, I hold, illegally belabored volunteers. 1 

In practical politics, actions count and not mere motives or ‘mental attitudes’ bereft of acts or results. Had the belief in the policy of non-violence not been reiterated, much of my argument would no doubt lose its force. But I do submit that, so long as the Congress creed stands as it is, every Congressman to be true to his creed is pledged to oppose and condemn in thought, word and deed every act of political violence. I would, therefore, humbly advise the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee to dissociate itself entirely from the resolution of the Conference or explain its position to the public, if there is any explanation for the resolution, which appears to have been carried with an overwhelming majority.  Young India, 2-1-1930 Take again the net result of political violence practised in this country. Every time violence has occurred we have lost heavily, that is to say, military expenditure has risen. As against this, I am willing to put the Morley-Minto reforms, the Montagu reforms and the like. But an ever widening circle of politicians is now beginning to realize that they have been like toys given to us against heavy economic burden. Whilst paltry concessions have been made, a few more Indians have found employment under Government, the masses in whose name, and for whose sake, we want freedom, have had to bear greater burdens without having any return whatsoever therefore. If we would only realize that it is not by terrorizing the foreigner that we shall gain freedom, but by ourselves shedding fear and teaching the villager to shed his own fear that we shall gain true freedom, we would at once perceive that violence is suicidal. 2 

But I hear people say, “History will have to repeat itself in India.” Let it repeat itself, if it must. I for one must not postpone the movement unless I am to be guilty of the charge of cowardice. I must fight unto death the system based on violence and thus bring under control the force of political violence. When real organic non-violence is set to work, the masses also will react manfully. 3 This Congress, while dissociating itself from and disapproving of political violence in any shape or form, places on record its admiration of the bravery and sacrifice of the late Sardar Bhagat Singh and his comrades Syts. Sukhdev and Raj guru, and mourns with the bereaved families the loss of these lives. The Congress is of opinion that this triple execution is an act of wanton vengeance and is a deliberate flouting of the unanimous demand of the nation for commutation. This Congress is further of opinion that Government have lost the golden opportunity of promoting goodwill between the two nations, admittedly held to be essential at this juncture, and of winning over to the method of peace the party which, being driven to despair, resorts to political violence. 4

I am deeply grieved. The young men who resort to such murders do no good to the country. I make an appeal to them. They must recognize that the country has gained immeasurably by the nonviolent campaign. I contend that the progress would have been still greater, if there had been no violence done or preached. I still urge those who believe in the utility of political violence to stay their hands, whilst the Congress retains the creed of non-violence. If they are impatient, let them fix their own time-limit. But having done so, they must religiously abide by it and do propaganda work in that behalf. 5 Revolutionary murder cannot thrive in the Indian soil, Indian tradition, as history teaches us, being unfavorable to the growth of political violence. 6

I have before me extracts from journals containing some gruesome things. There is communal incitement, gross misrepresentation and incitement to political violence bordering on murder. It is of course easy enough for the Government to launch out prosecutions or to pass repressive ordinances. These fail to serve the purpose intended except very temporarily, and in no case do they convert the writers, who often take to secret propaganda, when the open forum of the Press is denied to them. 7 I have had it whispered to me, that violence going on side by side with non-violence must help the latter. As the author of the non-violent programme and as an expert in the line, let me proclaim with all the strength of conviction that it is a serious delusion to think that violence can help non-violence. On this matter my evidence based on long experience should be regarded as conclusive. I can assert that every act of political violence injures the non-violent movement. Everyone knows how it unnerves me. What has been called the Bardoli blunder and what I claim as an act of first-class wisdom was due to an ugly outbreak of violence on the part of professing Congressmen at Chauri Chaura. But for the postponement of civil disobedience at the time, the country would not have made the phenomenal progress it has made. Let everyone concerned understand that if this contagion of murder spreads, without my wishing it or doing it, the active non-violent movement may automatically suffer a check. Like everything in nature it has its own law to govern it. 8

 

References:

 

1. Young India, 9-3-1922
2. Young India, 12-6-1924
3. Young India, 20-3-1930
4. Report of the 45th Indian National Congress, p. 32  
5. The Tribune, 11-4-1931 
6. Young India, 23-4-1931
7. Young India, 28-5-1931
8. Young India, 6-8-1931