For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Crisis and Mahatma Gandhi

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Senior Gandhian Scholar, Professor, Editor and Linguist

Gandhi International Study and Research Institute, Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail- dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net;

dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

Mailing Address- C- 29, Swaraj Nagar, Panki, Kanpur- 208020, Uttar Pradesh, India

Crisis and Mahatma Gandhi

A crisis means a moment of pressing difficulty. Such a moment shows a man the way out and so makes him a man indeed. If we really feel the pressure, if the adjectives we use truly describe our feelings, why should we not be able to find the remedy? 1 I admit however that during the crisis we are passing through, my moving the resolution was a dangerous experiment. For, whilst we are evolving new codes of public conduct and trying to instruct, influence or lead the masses, it is not safe to do anything that is likely to confuse the mass mind or to appear to be “truckling to the multitude”. I believe that at the present moment it is better to be “dubbed” obstinate and autocratic than even to appear to be influenced by the multitude for the sake of its approbation. Those who claim to lead the masses must resolutely refuse to be led by them, if we want to avoid mob law and desire ordered progress for the country. I believe that mere protestation of one’s opinion and surrender to the mass opinion is not only not enough but in matters of vital importance, leaders must act contrary to the mass of opinion if it does not commend itself to their reason. 2

The only difference, or rather the one great difference, between our struggle and a war is that there is no scope for brute force or armed might in our struggle; in fact, the use of physical force will mean our defeat. The other characteristics of our struggle are those of an ordinary war. As in the usual kind of war, so in this, too, self-sacrifice, training, planning, and so on is indispensable. During a war, people suspend their normal work; in the face of a general threat, people forget their individual misfortunes. The immoral becomes moral, the robber gives up robbing, the drunkard, drinking, and the debauchee gives up his debauchery and the thief, his thieving. There is but one thing on the lips of all: the country’s freedom. In a crisis of this kind, people have no time to go to law-courts; the students join the struggle for national freedom and look upon their part in it as their studies. 3

If one-tenth of these complaints is true I fear that we have not been able to cope with the wonderful awakening and to bring under control all the new additions to the Congress organization. It is possible that it is nobody’s fault that this is so. The Government precipitated a crisis by hurling the notifications about public meetings and volunteers at us. The challenge had to be and was taken up. New and inexperienced men found themselves clothed with office and they were called upon to deal with a crisis which would have taxed to its utmost the capacity even of the experienced leaders withdrawn from public guidance. 4 But a man who is unable to protect himself at a time of crisis is an incomplete man. He is a burden to society. One can defend oneself by soul-force or physical force. Anyone who has not cultivated soul-force is in duty bound to defend himself and his people by means of physical force. Both those who rely on soul-force and those who rely on physical force will have to learn to face death. The man of soul-force will treat his body as of no worth and lay down his life without using force against the dacoits, whereas the other will die killing. Everyone may not be ready to cultivate soul-force. Moreover, “seeker of wealth” and “seeker of the atman” mean quite opposite things. The former can never become a seeker of the atman till he has given up his love of money. But either of them will be a coward if he runs away in the face of danger. Hence, one should cultivate the strength for self-defence to the best of one’s ability. It is the clear duty of those living in suburbs like Ghatkopar that they themselves, that is, some members of their families, take training in personally fighting the dacoits. 5

I hold that it is the duty of every institution jealous of its reputation courageously to face such a crisis if it is convinced that the rebellion is needed for the existence or welfare of the institution itself. It was for that reason that I invited the Committee in the first instance to decide whether a crisis had arisen justifying a change in the constitution without waiting for the Congress session. The majority in favour of an immediate change was overwhelming. I was not, therefore, insistent upon similar majorities in connection with votes for the resolution itself. It now remains for the congress either to endorse the action of the All-India Congress Committee or to censure it by rejecting it or even to censure the action even while accepting its decision, it being an accomplished fact. It was suggested by one or two members that censure was an impossible thing because the resolution of the All-india Congress Committee was to be enforced immediately and that therefore those who would come to the Congress would come naturally under the new franchise and those who benefited by it could hardly be expected to censure the action of their benefactor. Such, however, need not be the case. If the change made by the Committee is resented on pure constitutional grounds, even men who may take advantage of the benefit conferred may still very properly condemn the unconstitutional action of the Committee. They may admit the advisability of the change but repudiate the right of All- India Congress Committee to make it under any circumstance whatsoever. A crisis now arrived when there could not be any waiting for an auspicious day or hour. Patience was impossible in the face of this insult offered to our womanhood. We decided to offer stubborn Satyagraha irrespective of the number of fighters. Not only could the women now be not prevented from joining the struggle, but we decided even to invite them to come into line along with the men. We first invited the sisters who had lived on Tolstoy Farm. I found that they were only too glad to enter the struggle. I gave them an idea of the risks incidental to such participation I explained to them that they would have to put up with restraints in the matter of food, dress, and personal movements. I warned them that they might be given hard work in jail, made to wash clothes and even subjected to insult by the warders. But these sisters were all brave and feared none of these things. One of them was pregnant while six of them had young babies in arms. 6

I have admitted before now that the making of the change in the constitution was outside the ordinary jurisdiction of the All-India Congress Committee and that it was of the nature of a rebellion. But I hold that it is the duty of every institution jealous of its reputation courageously to face such a crisis if it is convinced that the rebellion is needed for the existence or welfare of the institution itself. It was for that reason that I invited the Committee in the first instance to decide whether a crisis had arisen justifying a change in the constitution without waiting for the Congress session. The majority in favour of an immediate change was overwhelming. I was not, therefore, insistent upon similar majorities in connection with votes for the resolution itself. It now remains for the congress either to endorse the action of the All-India Congress Committee or to censure it by rejecting it or even to censure the action even while accepting its decision, it being an accomplished fact. It was suggested by one or two members that censure was an impossible thing because the resolution of the All-india Congress Committee was to be enforced immediately and that therefore those who would come to the Congress would come naturally under the new franchise and those who benefited by it could hardly be expected to censure the action of their benefactor. Such, however, need not be the case. If the change made by the Committee is resented on pure constitutional grounds, even men who may take advantage of the benefit conferred may still very properly condemn the unconstitutional action of the Committee. They may admit the advisability of the change but repudiate the right of All- India Congress Committee to make it under any circumstance whatsoever. Again, if any class among the subjects considers that the action of a government is immoral from a religious standpoint before they help or hinder it, they must endeavour fully and even at the risk of their lives to dissuade the Government from pursuing such a course. We have done nothing of the kind. Such a moral crisis is not present before us, and no one says that we wish to hold aloof from this war for any such universal and comprehensive reason. Our ordinary duty as subjects, therefore, is not to enter into the merits of the war, but, when war has actually broken out, to render such assistance as we possibly can. Finally, to suggest that in case the Boers won, and a Boer victory was well within the range of possibility, our last state would be worse than our first, and the Boers would exact frightful revenge, would be doing injustice to the chivalrous Boers as well as to ourselves. To waste the slightest thought upon such a contingency would only be a sign of our effeminacy and a reflection on our loyalty. 7

No ruin, no financial crisis will befall India if prohibition is introduced in India. It is the solemn duty of every one of us to see the use of drink wiped out of the land altogether if we possibly can. If I had the power and if I could have my way, I would do so today. 8 I would support the formation of a militia under swaraj if only because I realize that people cannot be made non-violent by compulsion. Today I am teaching the people how to meet a national crisis by non- violent means. But it is one thing to adopt non-violence for a specific purpose in a time of crisis, and quite another thing to advocate its adoption by all for all time as a philosophy of life. Not that I consider such adoption to be impossible. But I lack the strength for such a mission. I may not therefore resist the formation of a national militia. Only I cannot join it myself. I feel quite clearly within me that a militia is unnecessary but I have not the word that would carry conviction to others. You are at present in the midst of a crisis. A struggle should always bring joy. I have not made a study of the entire situation in your college. But from what I have come to know I think that your stand is just. As I am a staunch enemy of the present administration and always hope for its overthrow, I wish that some good people side with you. But even those who are good cannot remain so in the administration under which they work, since injustice lies at the very root of this administration. 9

Even today if a crisis like that of the Khilafat were to arise, I would stake my life over it, even today I would offer the same assistance to Muslims in their difficulty. You may say that there is a great awakening among the Muslims as a result of my activity, but is the awakening among the Hindus less? I am certainly not so vain as to believe that I have brought it about, I was only an instrument, but I do not feel the slightest remorse for my conduct. I learned to have friendship for the Muslims long long ago. Even in South Africa I had Muslim friends and, though there had been occasions when I received abuse, I maintain today that I have served the world through such friendship. I do not believe I have done anything wrong in asking your service or money for the Muslims. Your dharma will endure if you practise it; the same is true of self-respect and freedom. There is cowardice in saying that we have suffered because of our dealings with anybody. There is no loss to us if we are cheated by anyone, but the day we cheat others, we should take it that we have suffered loss. Hence we should pray that, rather than that we cheat the world, the world should cheat us and, if we want to be cheated by the world, we should cultivate faith in it. Do you know how to put this into practice? In my dealings with others I should not exercise greater circumspection than I would in the case of my son. Just as I would take a receipt for money I give to my son, I would do the same in regard to others. .Having lent him some money; I shall not fear that I shall suffer loss. 10

The second object of the President which was to prove that the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms are useless—has been fully achieved. Vithalbhai’s ruling has doubly proved that the power conferred on the people was ineffective at a time of crisis. Had the Reforms been real, Vithalbhai would not have to give his ruling; the viceroy’s action proved that they were hollow. 11 This authoritative pronouncement that “the real strength of the nation is built up by work outside the present legislatures” has come none too soon. If the members of the legislatures will recognize this obvious truth and emphasize it in their speeches and acts during the remaining months of this year, we should be ready to face any crisis that may overtake the country. I have not a shadow of doubt that it will. How long exactly it will take is more than I can say, but I feel that it will be much sooner than most people would be inclined to think. I expect a crisis to be soon reached which would lead to a proper Conference not a Round Table Conference, but a Square Table, one where everybody attending it would know his bearings. The exact lineaments of that Conference I cannot at present depict, but it will be a Conference between equals met to lay their heads together to devise ways and means for the establishment of an Independent Constitution in India. 12

The students are expected to precipitate a crisis not by empty meaningless cries but by mute, dignified, unchallengeable action worthy of students. It may again be that the students have no faith in self-sacrifice, and less in non-violence. Then naturally they will not and need not come out. They may then, like the revolutionaries, whose letter is reproduced in another column, wait and see what non-violence in action can do. It will be sportsmanlike for them either to give themselves whole-heartedly to this non-violent revolt or to remain neutral, and (if they like) critical, observers of the developing events. They will disturb and harm the movement, if they will act as they choose and without fitting in with the plan of the authors or even in defiance of them. This I know, that if civil disobedience is not developed to the fullest extent possible now, it may not be for another generation. The choice before the students is clear. Let them make it. The awakening of the past ten years has not left them unmoved. Let them take the final plunge. 13

Without entering upon an elaborate argument, I would categorically state my conviction that the mania for mass production is responsible for the world crisis. Granting for the moment that machinery may supply all the needs of humanity, still, it would concentrate production in particular areas, so that you would have to go in a round-about way to regulate distribution, whereas, if there is production and distribution both in the respective areas where things are required, it is automatically regulated, and there is less chance for fraud, none for speculation. 14 The economic crisis can be relieved if people love poverty. I would ask you to emphasize the word ‘love’ here. There would be no economic crisis if they really loved poverty. Economic crises arise because our eyes lust after the property of our neighbour. Forced poverty is to be found on earth simply because many have more than they are entitled to. There would be no poverty on earth if we made a sacred resolution that we would have no more than we need for our creature comforts. And it would not do for a millionaire to sluggishly say that he owns millions because he needs those for his creature comforts. On the contrary, a man who is poor will continually examine himself and find out what are the superfluous things he keeps for himself and, if you conduct yourself in a sportsmanlike spirit from day to day, you will be astounded at the fewness of things you require. I would like very much, being in the House of God, to say: cast out the beam from your eye before you dare to see a motel in your neighbour’s eye. If we would but be good enough to take care of ourselves, I have very little doubt that the world would take care of itself. 15

A crisis was bound to arise for khadi too. What would it avail even if it survives this time? Every calamity, if we properly understand it, is a test. And a test means suffering, that is, penance. Now penance always purifies the person who undergoes it and also purifies the cause for which it is undertaken. There is no exception at any time to this law. Nothing, therefore, disturbs my joy and peace. 16 I have spoken and written several times that for me abolition of untouchability is a penance. Religious impurity cannot be removed without self-purification. Untouchability is the greatest impurity in Hindu religion. Even if thousands of Hindus were too fast in order to remove it I should not consider it a great thing. Perhaps, even such a great offering may not be sufficient for that great yajna. In order to find Lord Shiva what a great deal of fasting Parvati had to do! Every time man was faced with a spiritual crisis he invoked God through fasting and penance and only then was he able to overcome the crisis. 17

Brijkrishna is on his death-bed. You know that during the fast he had looked after me with the utmost devotion. I keep myself informed about his condition. There is a wire from Dr. Ansari saying that there is a possibility that he may survive the crisis. 18 There should be no cut till the wages have reached the level adequate for maintenance. It is impossible to conceive a time when the workmen have begun to regard the industry as if it were their own property and they would then be prepared to help it out of a crisis by taking the barest maintenance consisting of a dry crust and working day and night. That would be a voluntary arrangement. Such cases are irrelevant to the present consideration. 19

That is a fair question. I certainly do not mean any such thing. I can conceive of the possibility of a Minister making a stupid blunder, so as to harm the people in whose name he is acting. The Governors duty will then be plain. He would reason with the Ministers and if the Ministers do not listen, he will dismiss the Cabinet. The assurance contemplates non-interference, not non-dismissal. But dismissal when there is a clear majority in the Assembly would mean dissolution and fresh election. That will always be open to the Governor to precipitate, as it would be open to the Provincial Cabinet to do. But such a crisis cannot occur from day to day. What, therefore, I want is an absolutely honourable understanding which is incapable of a double interpretation by honourable parties. 20

I have been hesitating to say anything on the impending world crisis which affects the welfare not of a few nations but of the whole of mankind. I have felt that my word can have no effect on those on whom depends the decision whether there is to be war or peace. I know that many in the West believe that my word does carry weight. I wish I shared their belief. Not having such belief I have been praying in secret that God may spare us the calamity of war. But I have no hesitation in redeclaring my faith in reason, which is another word for non-violence, rather than the arbitrament of war for the settlement of disputes or redress of wrongs. I cannot emphasize my belief more forcibly than by saying that I personally would not purchase my own country’s freedom by violence even if such a thing were a possibility. My faith in the wise saying that what is gained by the sword will also be lost by the sword is imperishable. How I wish Herr Hitler would respond to the appeal of the President of the United Sates and allow his claim to be investigated by arbitrators in whose choice he will have as effective a voice as the disputants. 21

When a serious crisis arose, I should have raised the issue of jurisdiction. It was outside the Working Committee’s jurisdiction to decide upon the meaning and application of a matter which belonged to their expert who was their interpreter and executive officer. 22 I suggest that, though the crisis is not yet felt and the mills are working, khadi workers will do well from now to adopt the suggestions I have made. When the crisis does come, we shall then be found ready. 23 In my view, in moments of crisis we have not shown the qualities that the inmates of the Ashram should have. Those qualities cannot be cultivated in a day. A handful of you may maintain some order. But how does that help? What knowledge do women have? What part can they intelligently play? Can everybody sacrifice himself in a way that would befit the Ashram? Can you stand today before India as an embodiment of the Ashram? Let us realize our weakness. There is something lacking in my training. If that is the case, then we must proceed with that realization. Balkrishna cannot be of much help in this. Jajuji can. Vallabh can. If you want, do discuss it with me. If I have been able to put across my point, you can take a decision without discussing it with me. I shall accept whatever you do. I see no harm since Jajuji has been involved. His guidance would be invaluable. You should not think it shameful to wind up the Ashram. Its winding up may mean building it up. If you wind it up, give thought to my idea of a smaller one. 24

Food crisis should be regarded as a certainty. In the circumstances, the following things should be attended to at once:

1. Every person should confine his daily wants regarding food to the minimum, consistent with his or her health requirements; and where, as in cities, milk, vegetables, oil and fruit are available, grains and pulses should be reduced as they easily can be. Starch can be derived from starchy roots such as carrots, parsnips, potatoes, yam, and bananas; the idea being to exclude from present diet and conserve those grains and pulses which can be kept and stored. Vegetables too should not be eaten as an indulgence or for pleasure when millions are denied the use of these things altogether and are now threatened with starvation due to shortage of cereals and pulses.

2. Everyone who has access to any water should try himself or herself to grow some edibles for personal or general use. The easiest way to do so is to collect clean earth, mix it with organic manure where possible even a little bit of dried cow dung is good organic manure and put it in any earthen or tin pot and throw some seeds of vegetable such as mustard and cress, etc., and daily water the pots. They will be surprised how quickly the seeds sprout and give edible leaves which need not even be cooked but can be eaten in the form of salad.

3. All flower gardens should be utilized for growing edibles. And in this connection I would suggest to the Viceroy, Governors and high officials to take the lead. I would ask the heads of agricultural departments at the Centre and Provinces to flood the country with leaflets in the provincial language telling laymen how and what to grow easily.

4. Reduction should be taken up not merely by the civilian population but equally, if not predominantly, by the military. I say “predominantly“for the military ranks, being under rigid military discipline, can easily carry out measures of economy.

5. All exports of seeds, such as oil-seeds, oils, oil-cakes, nuts, etc., should be stopped, if they have not been already. Oil-cakes, if the seeds are sifted of earth and foreign matter, are good human food with rich protein content.

6. Deep wells should be sunk by the Government wherever possible and required, whether for irrigation or for drinking purposes.

7. Given hearty co-operation by Government servants and the general public, I have not the slightest doubt that the country can tide over the difficulty. Just as panic is the surest way to defeat, so also will be the case when there is widespread distress impending and prompt action is not taken.

Let us not think of the cause of the distress. Whatever the cause, the fact is that if the Government and the public do not approach the crisis patiently and courageously, disaster is a certainty. We must fight this foreign Government on all other fronts except this one, and even on this we shall fight them, if they betray callousness or contempt for reasoned public opinion. In this connection I invite the public to share my opinion that we should accept Government professions at their face value, and believe that swaraj is within sight inside of a few months. 8. Above all, black marketing and dishonesty should disappear altogether, and willing co-operation between all parties should be the order of the day in so far as this crisis is concerned. 25

The more I study the food crisis the more convinced I feel that people are being starved not for want of food, but for want of the cooperative effort of the experts and a national Government at the Centre bent upon meeting the crisis and inspiring the masses with confidence. 26 Yes, there is a crisis within a crisis. Not only is there the outward crisis, which you see, but a crisis within me. It remains to be seen how I come out of the test. So far people around me had attended to every little thing for me. If anything went wrong they were responsible. From tomorrow I shall have to do all that myself and blame myself only, if anything goes wrong. With all that I must feel at ease with myself. I shall have to watch myself. It will be a great thing if I survive that detachment and feel the inner joy not starts running high blood-pressure. It is a big experiment in my life and a necessary stage in my spiritual growth. 27

The food crisis demands immediate formation of a strong, capable and homogeneous National Government. Without it, deep and universal corruption cannot end without it the psychological effect will not be produced in spite of the landing on India shores of expected grain from outside. Every day’s delay in forming such a Government is agony added to the agony of famished millions of India. There can therefore be no question of party whether the Government is allowed to be formed by the Congress or the Muslim League. The best and incorruptible men or women from India are wanted for the purpose. I was therefore glad to find that the Viceroy was already moving in the matter as quickly as possible. 28

I must also draw your attention to the danger of refugees getting accustomed to eating the bread of idleness. They are apt to think that it is Government’s duty to do everything for them. Government’s duty is certainly there but that does not mean that your own duty ceases. You must live for others and not only for yourselves. Idleness is demoralizing for everyone and it will certainly not help us successfully to get over this crisis. 29 The man who survives a crisis will win his heart’s desire, as the saying is. Here you should substitute the phrase ‘healthy man’ for “the man who survives a crisis”. 30

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