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For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Gandhi Research Foundation, Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338

E-mail – dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net

 

Corruption in Perspective of Mahatma Gandhi

 

Corruption is impurity or deviation from an ideal. In economy, corruption is payment for services or material which the recipient is not due, under law. This may be called bribery. In government it is when an elected representative makes decisions that are influenced by vested interest rather than their own personal or party ideological beliefs. It is also accepting bribes in forms of goods or money to use official powers.

Political corruption is the use of power by government officials for illegitimate private gain. Corruption poses a serious development challenge. In the political realm, it undermines democracy and good governance. Corruption in elections and in legislative bodies reduces accountability and distorts representation in policymaking. Corruption in the judiciary compromises the law. Corruption in public administration results in the inefficient provision of services. More generally, corruption erodes the institutional capacity of government as procedures are disregarded, resources are siphoned off, and public offices are bought and sold. At the same time, corruption undermines the legitimacy of government and such democratic values as trust and tolerance.

In India corruption is a major issue. It is increases day to day. Indian media has widely published allegations of corrupt Indian citizens stashing trillions of dollars in Swiss banks. Swiss authorities, however, assert these allegations to be a complete fabrication and false. The causes of corruption in India include excessive regulations, complicated taxes and licensing systems, numerous government departments each with opaque bureaucracy and discretionary powers, monopoly by government controlled institutions on certain goods and services delivery, and the lack of transparent laws and processes. There are significant variations in level of corruption as well as in state government efforts to reduce corruption across India. Mahatma Gandhi knew it very well that corruption will go country and countrymen into hell. Progress of all will be stopped. So he issued massages many times. Public avoided it. Public must be followed their dharma.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Gokhale; “Benares is probably the worst station for the poor passengers. Corruption is rampant. Unless you are prepared to bribe the police, it is very difficult to get your ticket. They approached me as they approached others several times and offered to buy our tickets if we would pay them a gratuity (or bribe?). Many availed themselves of the offer. Those of us who would not, had to wait nearly one hour after the window was opened, before we could get our tickets and we would be fortunate at that if we did so without being presented with a kick or two from the guardians of law. At Moghalsarai, on the other hand, the ticket master was a very nice man. He said he knew no distinction between a prince and a peasant.”1 Mahatma Gandhi wrote, “The corruption and bribery that took place during Martial Law form a separate chapter of grievance, which could have been easily avoided under a sympathetic administration.”2

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Disapproval of the proposed withdrawal of students betrays, in my humble opinion, lack of appreciation of the true nature of nonco- operation. It is true enough that we pay the money wherewith our children are educated. But when the agency imparting the education has become corrupt, we may not employ it without partaking of the agent’s corruption. When students leave schools or colleges I hardly imagine that the teachers will fail to perceive the advisability of themselves resigning. But even if they do not, money can hardly be allowed to count where honour or religion are at stake.”3 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “How are the people to be helped? How is the corruption to be removed? Certainly not by courting an official inquiry. That must result in only strengthening the police. Already the police is fortifying its position. Certainly not by the villagers seeking the protection of the courts. It is my settled conviction, based on a study of the records of cases, that in the vast majority of them the people have lost both in money and in power. An isolated discharge of an innocent man is all they can show as a result of paying fortunes to the lawyers and the bribe-takers.”4 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “The moral corruption to be found in the holy places of the Hindus is so dreadful that no improvement is possible unless there is a fundamental change of attitude in a majority of them. The transformation of these places from dens of vice into abodes of virtue depends on the degree to which there is a change of heart among the Hindus during this holy struggle. Cleaning up these places will really mean regeneration of Hinduism. This will require the highest tapascharya and effective local work.”5

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “The Gorakhpur tragedy was nothing but a forcible illustration of intoleration. We often forget that one of our duties consists in converting even the police and the soldiery to our views. We will never do so by terrorism. The mob inhumanity to the police has added to the corruption that is rampant amongst them and has now called forth the reprisals which shock us. Let us bear in mind the fact that a corrupt government and a corrupt police presuppose the existence of corruption among the people who submit to government and police corruption. After all, there is considerable truth in the statement that a people deserve the Government that they have. It does not need a religious belief in the doctrine of non-violence to make us see that we have to win the Police and the Military, largely consisting of our own countrymen, over to our side by kindness, toleration and even submission to their brutality. Surely, in a majority of cases they know not what they are doing.”6 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Whilst I am discussing the doings of the Swarajists, I would like to advert to the charge of corruption brought against them. Some distinguished public men came to me and warned me against playing into the hands of the Swarajists and urged me to use my influence to purify the political life of Bengal. I told the gentlemen that I had no reason to believe the charges they were making, but that, if they would give me chapter and verse and be prepared to substantiate them, I would gladly investigate and, if I found them to be true, I should have no hesitation in denouncing the party. I told them, too, that I had heard of these charges before and that I had brought them to the notice of Deshbandhu Das who had assured me that there was no truth in them, and that, if my informants could produce names and specific charges, he, Deshbandhu, was perfectly willing to have them investigated. The gentlemen told me that the belief about corruption was common property, but that it was not always possible to give legal proof. I told them that in that case we must follow the golden rule of not believing what could not be proved. If we did not follow the rule, no public man’s reputation would be safe.

After this interview I had forgotten all about the charges. Hardayal Babu, however, returned to the charge with double fury at Chandpur.1 But I could not treat his denunciation seriously, nor did he expect me to. Although he and I belong to the same school, our methods of looking at public men and activities are different. Behind my non-co-operation there is always the keenest desire to co-operate on the slightest pretext even with the worst of opponents. To me, a very imperfect mortal, ever in need of God’s grace, no one is beyond redemption. Behind Hardayal Babu’s non-co-operation there is fierce distrust and disinclination for reverting to co-operation. He wants mighty signs whereas a mere gesture suffices me.

But I had the charge repeated in an unexpected quarter. I pricked up my ears and became serious. I began a little gentle inquiry. I was, however, relieved on my reaching Calcutta by Babu Nalini Sircar, the chief whip of the Swaraj Party, Babu Nirmal Chandra, Babu Kirenshekhar Ray and Babu Hirendra Nath Das Gupta coming to me and offering unasked to answer any questions I might have about the Swaraj Party’s doings in any matter whatsoever. I thereupon mentioned all the charges I had heard. They were able to

give me complete satisfaction about them and invited me to investigate further and even to inspect their books. But I told them that I could not possibly inspect their books unless there was more authentic

information about the charges. As it was, I had nothing beyond unsupported allegations. They assured me that there was not a vestige

of truth in the charge of bribery and corruption. I appeal to those who are ready to make charges to be chary of believing the stories that may be brought before them regarding their adversaries. Do we not know the Government has been bad ly sold by its informants? Do they not know that even Ranade1 and Gokhale were shadowed for a long time? Do they not know what scandals were talked about the late Sir Pherozeshah2 and even Sir Surendranath  Banerjea? Even the G.O.M. was not beyond the reach of calumny. A gentleman in London once gave me such details that he at least required me to approach the great patriot whom I worshipped. Well, I did approach him with trembling and fear. I sat down at his feet and I remember the occasion as I looked into his benign face and pleadingly asked whether what was said to be could be true. It was a garret which the G.O.M. was occupying as his office in Brixton. I shall never forget the scene. I came away knowing that the charge brought against him was a simple calumny. What would happen to me if I were to believe all I have been told about the “selfishness and perfidy” of the Ali Brothers whom I believe to be above corruption and perfidy? There are enough differences to divide us, but why accentuate them by giving a ready ear to every charge of baseness brought against opponents? I find enough justification for honest differences. Let us then honour our opponents for the same honesty

of purpose and patriotic motive that we claim for ourselves. One gentleman who spoke about the so-called Swarajist corruption was candid enough to tell me that in spite of it all there was no other leader in Bengal but Chittaranjan Das. There is room enough for all to serve. There is no room for jealousy when all wish to serve. I believe in trusting. Trust begets trust. Suspicion is foetid and only stinks. He who trusts has never yet lost in the world. A suspicious man is lost to himself and the world. Let those who have made of non-violence a creed beware of suspecting opponents. Suspicion is of the brood of violence. Non-violence cannot but trust. I must at any rate, refuse to believe any-thing against anybody, much less against my honoured fellow-workers, unless I have absolute proof. But Hardayal Babu will say, “Do you want us to disbelieve the testimony of our eyes and ears?” I say, yes and no. I have known people whose eyes and ears have deceived them. They see and hear only what they would like to see and hear. To these I say, “Do not believe even your eyes and ears when you have unbiassed testimony to the contrary.” But there are others who have seen, heard and known, but have not been able to impart the truth to others. They must persist in their belief even though the whole world may be against them. Only before them I shall plead for a little toleration for those like me who, in spite of all their desire to see the pure truth, fail to see it in the light the others see. I am yet unconvinced about the corruption ascribed to the Swarajists. And those who believe the contrary must bear with me till they convince me.”7

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “There are also several other charges mentioned in the foregoing indictment. The complaint too had been received that the Congress Committees in several parts of India have been using monies received by them for purposes other than those for which they were earmarked. I hope that responsible Congressmen will look into their respective organi-zations and, wherever any corruption or misappropriation is discovered, they will not hesitate to denounce such corruption and remove it.”8 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Corruption has gradually entered our public life. A learned gentleman has remarked that our public life has become corrupted ever since the Congress got one crore rupees. There was intense malice in this criticism, but it also contained a drop of nectar. With money in the Congress treasury, temptation followed and laxity came over its working. Why should we work ourselves, we thought for what we can obtain with money? Vices do not trumpet their coming. They work as thieves and poisonous germs do. They enter stealthily, without our being aware of their coming. They creep in and lodge themselves as an innocent lamb would creep unnoticed into your home. We cannot get rid of them, however much we try. If we are not on our guard, they pull at us and draw us behind them. Unknown to us, corruption has entered us. It is necessary to be on our guard against it.”9

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “I have noticed that in many municipalities corruption is rampant during election time, whereas every municipal councillor should consider himself a trustee and custodian of public health and public moral. I wish that the municipal councils take to heart blemishes that I have drawn their attention to and trust that they would make serious endeavour to remove those blemishes. This place is renowned for its holiness and learning. It is not difficult and it is not too much to expect to make this place a model so far as sanitation is concerned.”10 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “My advice, therefore, generally speaking, is that one should take no notice of baseless and malicious imputations, but pity the calumniator and always hope and pray for his ultimate conversion. As for the public it can always take care of itself against dishonest servants. Corruption will be out one day however much one may try to conceal it, and the public can, as it is its right and duty, in every case of justifiable suspicion, call its servants to strict account, dismiss them, sue them in a law-court, or appoint an arbitrator or inspector to scrutinize their conduct, as it likes. Therefore instead of suing one’s calumniator in a law-court for false allegations of corruption, the best and the only right course would be for the public to prevent actual corruption from taking place by maintaining a sleepless vigilance and for the servant to keep the public on the qui vive”11.

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Corruption you will find everywhere. The reformer and public worker should do what he can to remove it, himself remain untouched by it, and cease worrying.”12 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “The fear of increase in corruption expressed by the correspondent will not be shared by those who know the salary scales in Japan and other countries. There is very little connection between corruption and the size of salaries. When the consciousness of dharma spreads and people are inspired by a sense of public service, they do not demand or accept bribes. Giving high salaries for fear of spread of corruption would be, as the saying goes, like killing the buffalo for its skin. In other words, it means that for preventing a man from taking a bribe occasionally, he should be paid a permanent bribe in the form of a big salary!”13 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Hinduism teaches that when evils and corruption are beyond control by ordinary means and, human endeavour is supplemented by tapasya or penance which, in its extreme form, means fasting either conditional or unconditional.”14

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “This considered opinion representing a large body of people throughout the world deserves respectful consideration. Such an opinion, however, does not appear before me for the first time. I have had the privilege and opportunity of discussing this subject with many friends in the light it is presented. I can appreciate much of the argument, but I venture to think that it is inconclusive, because it has omitted material facts. Some priests are bad. Temples, churches and mosques very often show corruption, more often deterioration. Nevertheless, it would be impossible to prove that all priests are bad or have been bad and that all churches, temples and mosques are hotbeds of corruption and superstition. Nor does the argument take note of this fundamental fact that no faith has done without a habitation; and I go further that in the very nature of things it cannot exist, so long as man remains as he is constituted. His very body has been rightly called the temple of the Holy Ghost, though innumerable such temples belie the fact and are hotbeds of corruption, used for dissoluteness. And I presume that it will be accepted as a conclusive answer to a sweeping suggestion that all bodies should be destroyed for the corruption of many, if it can be shown, as it can be, that there are some bodies which are proper temples of the Holy Ghost. The cause for the corruption of many bodies will have to be sought elsewhere.”15

Mahatma Gandhi wrote to Mirabehn; “Many changes are taking place in my mind just now. The corruption in the Congress is preying on me as it has never before done. I am conferring with friends as to the advisability of leaving the Congress and pursuing its ideals outside it. It is good that the corruption agitates me. I shall take no hasty step but there it is. And I

feel that the girls’ institution here should be closed unless I am prepared to sit down in Wardha or Vinoba takes the sole responsibility of its management. He will think over it during the fast. These are the two things that are uppermost in my mind.”16 Mahatma Gandhi wrote Narayan M. Khare; “The reason behind my desire to leave the Congress is not corruption in it, but the increasing differences of principle with the intellectual section in it. We can reform the constitution to deal with corruption, but to deal with differences of opinion one of the two parties should surrender to the other or they should fight it out. The path of surrender is in conformity with ahimsa  in fighting there is mostly himsa.”17

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “It is difficult to cope with the correspondence that I am having from several places about violence, untruth and corruption in the Congress. Whilst I must continue to publish typical correspondence about the weaknesses of Congresmen, I must issue a warning against hasty deduction being drawn that all is ill with the Congress. I know it is not. But it is true that violence, untruth and corruption have made inroads enough to warrant drastic measures in order to prevent decay overtaking the great organization. These statements have been made by responsible parties. The letters are meant for publication. But I have purposely suppressed the names of my correspondents as also of the province in which the corruption is said to exist. It is to be hoped that the Working Committee and the A. I. C. C. will deal with this as well as the other serious questions that will come up for discussion and decision. It would be a tragedy if the session of the A. I. C. C. were to be frittered away in orations or mutual wranglings.”18 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “The danger of corruption is also there. The greater the origination the less felt is the effect of corruption because it is so widely distributed. Thus in the Congress there are much corruption and jealousy, but they are confined to those few who run the machinery.”19

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Corruption is both in the Government and other quarters. If non-Governmental corruption stops, the Government corruption cannot go on. Non-violence has to bring about the union of good  elements. Violence brings about unity among wicked elements. This is the first exhibition of violence.”20 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “I think that India has use for every one of them who is loyal to India and to Indian traditions and conditions and who will be above temptation and corruption. I don’t want to say that they should be disloyal to England. That is not the point. They should not be disloyal to India. These things not conflict but it has happened in history. Most have come here to serve the country of their birth by exploiting India. That is hypocrisy. It is dishonesty. There is no room for dishonesty in any service or outside it.”21 Mahatma Gandhi talked with women worker; “Frankly speaking we are not going to make any progress till we have patriotism, sincerity and honesty.We are not even fully independent yet and I have been receiving complaints that some socalled eminent leaders of India are making money through their sons, that nepotism is on the increase as also is corruption and that I should do something about it. If it is true all one can say is that we have reached the limit of our misfortune.”22

 

 

Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “It is the duty of all leading men, whatever their persuasion or party, to safeguard the dignity of India. India’s dignity cannot be saved if misgovernment and corruption flourish. I mention corruption because misgovernment and corruption always go together. I have it from very trustworthy sources that corruption is increasing in the country.”23 Mahatma Gandhi wrote; “Corruption will go when the large number of persons given to the unworthy practice realize that the nation does not exist for them but that they do for the nation. It requires a high code of morals, extreme vigilance on the part of those who are free from the corrupt practice and who have influence over corrupt servants. Indifference in such matters is criminal. If our evening prayers are genuine, they must play no mean part in removing from our midst the demon of corruption. On this way can say that Mahatma Gandhi played a major role in this field also.”24

 

 

References:

 

  1. LETTER TO G. K. GOKHALE; March 4, 1902
  2. VOL. 20 : 25 MARCH, 1920 - JUNE, 1920; Page- 181
  3. Young India, 18-8-1920
  4. VOL. 22 : 23 NOVEMBER, 1920 - 5 APRIL, 1921; Page-  98
  5. Navajivan, 6-10-1921
  6. VOL. 26 : 24 JANUARY, 1922 - 12 NOVEMBER, 1923 ; Page- 207
  7. VOL.31 : 22 MARCH, 1925 - 15 JUNE, 1925 ; Page- 432
  8. VOL.32 : 17 JUNE, 1925 - 24 SEPTEMBER, 1925 ; Page- 211
  9. VOL.32 : 17 JUNE, 1925 - 24 SEPTEMBER, 1925 ; Page- 399
  10. VOL. 40 : 2 SEPTEMBER, 1927 - 1 DECEMBER, 1927 ; Page- 102
  11. VOL. 43 : 10 SEPTEMBER, 1928 - 14 JANUARY, 1929; Page-  311
  12. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI
  13. Navajivan, 26-7-1931
  14. VOL. 58 : 16 NOVEMBER, 1932 - 12 JANUARY, 1933 ; Page- 309
  15. VOL. 60 : 10 MARCH, 1933 - 26 APRIL, 1933 ; Page- 16
  16. LETTER TO MIRABEHN; August 7, 1934
  17. LETTER TO NARAYAN M. KHARE; September 22, 1934
  18. Harijan, 24-9-1938
  19. VOL.78 : 23 FEBRUARY, 1940 - 15 JULY, 1940 ; Page- 357
  20. VOL. 85 : 2 OCTOBER, 1944 - 3 MARCH, 1945 ; Page- 92
  21. VOL.92 : 9 AUGUST, 1946 - 6 NOVEMBER, 1946 ; Page- 384
  22. TALK WITH WOMEN WORKERS; June 22, 1947
  23. VOL. 98: 6 DECEMBER, 1947 - 30 JANUARY, 1948 ; Page- 58
  24. The Hindustan Times, 27-1-1948,

 

 

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