For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Contributions of Prof. Gokhale in South Africa Satyagraha

Gopal Krishna Gokhale was born on 13 May 1866 in Banaras. He was the founder of Servant of India and one of the senior leaders of Congress. He was the mentor of Mahatma Gandhi. He played a great role in South African movement. He was the advisor and supporter both. He went to South Africa and delivered many speeches among Indians.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 4 July 1903 that I have been sending you the papers in connection with the Indian situation in South Africa from time to time. Although you are, I know, overwhelmed with other public work, I see no way of avoiding having to trouble you about our grievances. It is felt that there is not enough sustained action taken in India and that unless the hands of the Viceroy, who, I believe, has been making ardent protests against the action of the Colonies, are strengthened by public opinion, the situation may be lost. The curious thing is that, even here, Lord Milner seems to be most anxious to do justice, but is almost frightened by what passes for public opinion on this side. As a matter of fact, the people in South Africa are so much engrossed in making money: that they take very little notice of what is going on outside their own sphere. But there are a few interested agitators who continue to send in protests to the Governor against any relaxation of the old anti-Asiatic laws as well in the Transvaal as in the Orange River Colony. It is, therefore, I think, very necessary that to counteract the effect of such agitation, a well-directed movement ought to be taken up and continued throughout India. I hope that you will find time to take the matter up. You know what Mr. Turner said to me when I was in Calcutta, and I doubt not that, if you wrote to him or could see him, he would be prepared to take action.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 3 October 1904 that I have purposely refrained from writing to you from time to time as I know how busy you are, but in view of the approaching session of the Congress, I can no longer do so, and I beg to enclose herewith a copy of the Blue book published in London on the situation. That deals with the Transvaal only, and it is to the position in the Transvaal that all effort has to be directed. Contrary to all expectations, Lord Milner, who, on the eve of the war, was the champion of the oppressed including the British Indians, has completely turned round and, as you will see from his dispatch, is quite prepared to deprive the Indians of even what little rights they possessed in the Transvaal before war. I enclose the representation of the British Indian Association in reply to the dispatches which would show how far the Indians are prepared to go. You will see that therein the Indians are willing to concede almost all that the Europeans would want, namely, restriction of Immigration and regulation of licenses by local authorities in exchange for the right to own landed property, but the proposal has been rejected by the Government as unsatisfactory, simply, I fear, because it wants to establish the principle of differential legislation.

The British Indian Association says the legislation, whatever it may be, should be applicable to all; the Transvaal Government wants to pass a measure which would be applicable only to Asiatic, whether British subjects or not. Such legislation, as you are aware, has not been sanctioned even for self-governing Colonies, as, for instance, the Cape and Natal, although at both the places Government intended to pass such

legislation. In Sir Mancherjee’s representation in the Blue book Statement, the registration fee of £3 is stated to be an annual payment. As a matter of fact, it is a payment once for all. As to the licenses, the test case since brought1 puts the Indians on the same footing as the Europeans. The institution of photographic passes has been done away with. In the Orange River Colony, the legislation is most drastic and nothing has yet been done to remove it.

In Natal, the Dealers’ Licenses Act, which gives arbitrary powers to the local authorities without the right of appeal to the Supreme Court, is causing a great deal of hardship.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 13 January 1905 that the existence of Indian Opinion you know. It has now embarked on career when I think I may fairly appeal to you for active sympathy. I propose to write perfectly frankly, as you know me too well to misunderstand me. When I saw that Mr. Madanjit could not carry on the paper without pecuniary assistance and as I knew that he was guided by thoroughly patriotic motives, I placed at his service the bulk of my savings. That, however, was not enough. Three months ago I took over the whole responsibility and management. Mr. Madanjit still remains nominally the proprietor and publisher, because I believe that he has done much for the community. My own office is at present being worked in the interests of Indian Opinion and I have already become responsible to the extent of nearly £ 3,500. Some English friends, who knew me intimately and before whom I placed the scheme as described in the enclosed, took up the idea and now it is in full working order and, although it does not show the same measure of self-sacrifice as shown by the founders of the Fergusson College in Poona, I venture to think that it is not a bad copy. It has been a most delightful thing to me to see the English friends coming forward so boldly. They are not literary men but they are sterling, honest, independent men. Each of them had his own business or employment where he was doing well, and yet none of them had the slightest hesitation in coming forward as a worker for a bare living which means £ 3 per month, with a distant prospect of getting profits.

It is also my intention, if my earnings continue, to open a school on the grounds, which would be second to none in South Africa for the education primarily of Indian children who would be resident boarders and, secondarily, of all who want to join the school but would also reside on the premises. For this, too, volunteer workers are required. It would be possible to induce one or two Englishmen and English ladies here to give their lifetime to this work, but Indian teachers are absolutely necessary. Could you induce any graduates who have an aptitude for teaching, who bear a blameless character and who would be prepared to work for a mere living? Those who would come must be well-tried, first-class men. I would want two or three at least but more could certainly be accommodated, and after the school is in working order, it is intended to add a sanatorium with open-air treatment on hygienic lines. My immediate purpose, however, is in connection with Indian Opinion. If you approve of all I have said regarding it, will you kindly send a letter of encouragement to be sent to the editor for publication; also if you could spare a few moments, occasionally write an article ever so small for it? I am also anxious to secure either honorary or paid correspondents who would contribute weekly notes in English, Gujarati, Hindi and Tamil. If it becomes expensive, I might have to be satisfied with only English correspondence which would lend itself to being translated in the three Indian languages. Could you recommend any such correspondent or correspondents?

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 13 January 1905 that By this time you must be deeply engaged in your mission in England. I have no doubt that you will have a corner in your heart for the British Indians in South Africa. Is it possible for you, on your return to India, to pass through South Africa? If you could do so, and if you would kindly let me have previous notice, suitable arrangements would be made for your stay in the different parts of the country. I suggest your giving one month to South Africa. If you could come, the expenses of your tour in South Africa would be borne by the community. You could land in Cape Town, pass through Kimberley, Bloemfontein, Johannesburg and Pretoria; go to Natal and see Durban, Pietermaritzburg, thence to Delagoa Bay, and thence either by the East Coast visiting Mozambique, Zanzibar, Lamu and Mombasa, or go via Ceylon and take in Mauritius on your way.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 22 June 1906 that I am writing this from the military laager at Stanger. The Indian Stretcher-Bearer Corps received orders yesterday to march. The work before the Corps this time is of a more difficult type. In any case, it was absolutely necessary for me to accompany the Corps if it was to be formed at all. The question of my coming to England must, therefore, remain in abeyance.

I am very thankful for your long letter and the suggestions made by you.

I suppose we shall know in time the result of your interviews with Mr. Morley. You will put a finishing touch to your brilliant work, if you could on your way pass through South Africa. That I know is a selfish view, but I may be pardoned for taking such a view, seeing that all my work at present seems to be connected with South Africa alone.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 14 November 1907 that

This will serve to introduce to you Mr. Ameeroodeen Mahomed Hoosen Fajandar2, who has been appointed, together with four other Indians, as a delegate to represent the Transvaal Indians at the forthcoming session of the National Congress. Mr. Fajandar is a well-known merchant of the Transvaal and of long standing. I trust that you will be good enough to secure for him every facility for placing our case before the Congress and to give him the benefit of your advice and guidance.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 22 November 1907 that I have sent a letter3 addressed to you through Mr. Ameeroodeen Fajandar, one of the delegates from the Transvaal who will attend the Congress at Surat. May I draw your attention to the fact that the struggle

we are undergoing here has resulted in making us feel that we are Indians first and Hindus, Mahomedans, Tamils, Parsees, etc. afterwards.

You will notice, too, that all our delegates are Mahomedans. I am personally glad of the fact. And it may also happen that there will be many Mahomedans, having South African connections, attending the Congress. May I ask you to interest yourself in them and make them feel perfectly at home? A Hindu-Mahomedan compact may even become a special feature of this Congress. The rest of the struggle you know from the papers.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 23 July 1909 that by the time this reaches you, Mr. Polak will have been in India. Our work here is very difficult; this, however, will be no news to you. I merely mention it by way of introduction, in order to enable me to ask you if you can spare the time to give special attention to it. I am most anxious that our leaders should realize the national importance of the struggle. Mr. Polak has been sent as a missionary to do this work. We will continue to suffer in the Transvaal until justice is granted, but we have a right to expect much more than we have yet received from the Motherland.

Mr. Polak’s work is very difficult. I have asked him to place himself unreservedly under your instructions and I know that you will not spare yourself in making his work as light as possible. We are endeavoring by private negotiations to arrive at a settlement, but I know Mr. Smuts too well to put much faith in these negotiations. In a week’s time we may be obliged to take public action, and in that case it will be absolutely necessary for India to support our prayer, if we are to do anything at all.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 11 November 1909 that

I have considered it to be the greatest struggle of modern time. That it will succeed in the end I have not the slightest doubt. But an early success will break up the violence movement in India. I have moved very freely among our countrymen here and I notice extreme bitterness against you. Most consider that violence is the only method for securing any reform. In the Transvaal, we are trying to show that violence is futile and that the proper method is self-suffering. i.e., passive resistance. If, therefore, you came to the Transvaal, publicly declaring that it was your intention to share our sorrows and, therefore, to cross the Transvaal border as a citizen of the Empire, you would give it a world-wide significance, the struggle will soon end and your countrymen will know you better. The last consideration may not weigh with you. But it does with me for the sake of themselves. If you would come, and If you are left untouched and I am free, I should deem it a great privilege to nurse you. If you are arrested and imprisoned, I should be delighted. I may be wrong, but I do feel that it is a step worth taking for the sake of India. Feeling so strongly, I would be pardoned for suggesting that the Transvaal question should have a prominent place on the Congress platform and nothing can be as effective as for you to say that you would join the struggle.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 6 December 1909 that What I observe is that the expenses are necessarily great, and our resources in South Africa are exhausted. There are enough Indians in the Transvaal alone who could still carry on the struggle, if they would, without outside help, but they are not now inclined to help. They think that they have given enough. These are the weaker members of the community. The strongest have ruined them peculiarly, and they simply go to jail as often as the Government arrests them. Their families have also to be supported.

Mahatma Gandhi publish in Indian Opinion on 16 April 1910 that the Professor Gokhale has rendered an invaluable service. He has always helped us, but his work in the Legislative Council is a very precious achievement. The resolution that he moved for the prohibition of indentured labour and the speech he made on the occasion are worth reading. The latter gives a vivid account of the condition of Indians in all parts of South Africa. The speech has evoked appreciative comments even from English newspapers. We see that he advocated the prohibition of indenture on the ground that it was [in its very nature] an evil thing. That is as it should have been.

Prof. Gokhale was followed by other Indian members. We propose to give translations3 of all the speeches in the issues that will follow. They will show to all readers how profound has been the effect of the Transvaal campaign. Prof. Gokhale certainly deserves thanks for what he has done.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 2 May 1910 that I am sending you a public letter1 addressed to you. After due deliberation, I thought that it was the best thing for me to do. The letter has been handed to the Press here,2 and I take it that you will publish it on your side also. The letter, too, enables me to inform all the contributors. I have now heard from Mr. Petit that Mr. Tata approves of the expenses incurred by me in connection with Indian Opinion. Your letter, to which I have alluded in the accompanying, had already relieved me of anxiety on this score, but it is as well that I have received specific approval from Mr. Tata also. I do hope that my action in publishing Hind Swaraj in Gujarati and now the translation in English does not in any way affect the struggle that is going on in the Transvaal. The opinions expressed by me in the booklet are personal to me. Though they have been matured in the course of the struggle, they have nothing to do with it at all, and I trust that you will be able, should any prejudice arise against me personally or the pamphlet, to keep the merits of the struggle entirely separate from me. The views expressed by me in Hind Swaraj have not been formed without much thought and consideration. Mr. Polak has passed on the typed copy to you. I am not sending you the printed copy because, as the Gujarati is confiscated, I suppose the same thing applies to the translation.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 19 May 1911 that Mr. Polak brought my knowledge up to date by telling me that, when he last saw you, you were, if possible, much busier than you used to be when I had the privilege of staying with you in Calcutta. But I feel that it is necessary for me to give you a review of the situation here, at periodic intervals. Whilst I naturally consider that without passive resistance during the four years nothing whatsoever could have been done, I am quite certain that the efforts made by the public in India under your guidance and Mr. Polak’s wonderful work there and Mr. Ritch’s in England have very materially hastened the end of our troubles; but we have to fight such a stubborn enemy, that ceaseless watchfulness is absolutely necessary. I am not unaware of the fact that the gaining of theoretical equality in the immigration legislation will not have visibly altered for the better our material condition here; but the struggle has knit us together in a wonderful manner, and it has undoubtedly secured for us an honorable hearing. The community has gained confidence in itself. We are, therefore; only now free to devote our attention to the existing local legal disabilities affecting not so much our honour as a nation but the material position of the settlers themselves. For instance, the prohibition to own landed property in the Transvaal must be removed; the disability as to using tram-cars is too galling to be tolerated for any length of time; the diabolical attempt being made through the operation of the obscure section2 in the recently passed Gold Law of the Transvaal must be frustrated at any cost if the Indian traders are to be left undisturbed in possession of their premises and their business.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 17 June 1911that this will be presented to your by Mr. Sorabji Shapurji Adajania, one of the greatest of passive resisters. Of all the rich experiences I have gained during the memorable struggle none has been as great as the discovery of men like Mr. Sorabji. I am sure that you will be glad to meet Mr. Sorabji. He proposes to return in time for the legislation that General Smuts had promised to introduce next year.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 30 October 1911that I have to thank you for your long cablegram with reference to the Congress Presidentship muddle. I was sorry to hear about your illness. Will you never be able to travel outside India and England? British statesmen do; why cannot Indian statesmen? If you could possibly pay a brief visit to South Africa, it would not be now a question of your courting imprisonment, but it would still serve a double purpose. It would bring the people here nearer to India, and it would give me the privilege of so nursing you as to restore you to health. In my opinion, we have at Tolstoy Farm, as also at Phoenix, convenience enough for patients like you. I am quite sure that I can anticipate Mr. Kallenbach’s warm welcome to you at Tolstoy Farm, and, of course Phoenix you could treat as your own home.

The first intimation I had of my name being seriously discussed in connection with the Congress Presidentship was a telegram from the Natal Indian Congress, advising me that it had received an invitation for me to preside at the forthcoming session, and urging me strongly to accept the invitation. My reply1 was in the negative. I, at the same time, enquired about the name of the sender of the invitation. Much to my surprise, the names sent were those of you, the All India Moslem League, Mr. Petit, Mr. Natrajan, Mr. Natesan, Mr. S. Bose and Mr. Malviya1. The inclusion of your name and that of the All-India Moslem League gave the cablegram an importance which made me waver in my decision, and I felt that, if you who knew my views so well also wished me to preside, there must be some special reason for the invitation. The news was received by me at the Farm. I travelled to Johannesburg, and the people at Durban confirmed the telegrams through the telephone and simply insisted upon my accepting the invitation2. To them, it was a unique honour to the Indians of South Africa and an equally unique opportunity of bringing the South African Indian case still more prominently to the notice of the Indian public. Had I not been so foolishly egotistical, I should certainly have doubted the correctness of the message that was sent to me from Durban. Before, however, I had had reason to doubt the accuracy of the message, I had allowed the Durban Congress to accept the invitation, but I felt that I should send my own cablegram independently to you, which I did. Three or four days later I received from Durban a letter confirming the telegraphic messages, which, however, included a copy of a letter from Reuter, which put a different interpretation upon the cable. It seems to me that, during the time that I was in Cape Town, Mr. Polak, who was in Durban, had arranged for a code address covering the names given above. Advice was evidently given to all these parties of the code address, and Mr. Bose of Calcutta made use of it. In deciphering the cable, therefore, our people at Durban read the cable to mean that it was sent by all the six parties, but Reuter’s letter, which was sent to the Congress at the time the code address was registered, shows that the code word might mean, according to circumstances, one or all the names.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 14 February 1913 that Dr. Gool1 just tells me that your umbrella was traced and that Mr. Joshi whom you met in Cape Town kindly took it with him when a few days ago he went to India. Your cap too has been found. Kotwal will hand it to you upon reaching India. He will be leaving shortly. The newspaper criticism in India is now all before me. It makes painful reading. But I was prepared for it especially after our chats. I see that you are dealing with it in your own way. That criticism has produced its reflex action here. Aiyer has been writing violent articles in his paper. I am not sending you all the cuttings but you might like to see the Advertiser article. The Advertiser reproduced Aiyer’s reproduction.

The Botha ministry has its own internal troubles owing to General Hertzog’s defection. The Star correspondent, you might have noticed in Indian Opinion, paid you [a] compliment by stating that General Hertzog quarreled with his brother ministers because General Botha said that, as the Indian question was an Imperial one, you should be seen not by General Hertzog but General Botha himself. These internal troubles of the Ministry have disorganized the parliament and it is highly likely that the promised legislation will again be postponed. If that happens I shall be in a quandary and may not be able to leave for India about the middle of this year.

The ministers are certainly not carrying out their assurances. The Immigration Acts are being administered with an ever-growing severity. Wives of lawfully resident Indians are being put to great trouble and expense.

Mr. Gokhale Spoke in many places that the return of Mr. Gokhale to India after his triumphant tour in South Africa has brought the Indian question of South Africa to the front as perhaps it has not been before except during Mr. Polak’s stay in India. But the public in India, during Mr. Polak’s stay there was invariably sympathetic and uncritical. This in a way was a drawback. Mr. Gokhale’s landing in Bombay led, on the one hand, to the unique demonstration there as described by the Times correspondent, and to criticism of Mr. Gokhale’s work, on the other. The criticism, in our humble opinion, was hasty and ill-conceived. What Mr. Gokhale never did was imputed to him, and the very compromise, which was South Africa British Indian Committee, London universally approved two years ago, was now condemned, because Mr. Gokhale had, on local examination, confirmed his original attitude towards it. Mr. Gokhale, therefore, immediately upon landing, had to enter into a defense of his own action and the part Mr. Gandhi had played in the compromise.1 Mr. Gokhale’s defense was, as was only to be expected, convincing. He returned to the subject at Poona, where, too, a great demonstration of welcome was held. But the most crushing reply to these critics was made by Mr. Gokhale at Bankipore, where he held the Congress audience spellbound for more than an hour. The result of the discussion is that the very papers that either themselves adversely criticized Mr. Gokhale’s South African achievement, or allowed their regular correspondents to offer irresponsible and ill-informed criticism, have veered round, acknowledged their mistake, and admitted that Mr. Gokhale was right, that he had not surrendered a single principle, and that he had dealt with the problem in a calm, statesmanlike, and patriotic spirit, as he alone could do. He said or did nothing new, but he did the same thing that was done by the local Indians in his own original manner, and threw the weight of his great influence and prestige in our favour. He did not speak or act for India, because he was not its accredited agent, and yet he spoke unofficially both for India and, indeed, the Empire. For Mr. Gokhale, in spite of his critics, remains the idol of his people, and commands the respect of the Empire as no other living Indian does. We hope to be able shortly to reproduce Mr. Gokhale’s speech at the Congress, and an epitome of the criticism, adverse and otherwise. The ferment created by Mr. Gokhale’s visit to South Africa and his return has done good in that the reacceptance of the compromise by the majority of his critics will, being now informed, add greater weight to any further agitation that may go on in India in our favour. And, Heaven knows, we want all the assistance still from the Motherland that she can give us! We are but at the fringe of our troubles.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 19 April 1913 that by this time you are already on your way to London. I do hope that there you will get some rest. I was grieved to see from the papers that you had a nervous breakdown. It is on such occasions that I long to be with you.

Polak will write to you fully on the situation. I wish to state only this that this time the struggle, if it comes, will involve more sufferings than before. So far as I know, we shall not appeal to the public in India for pecuniary support. If those who know me personally wish to send anything, I shall gratefully accept the help. The plan would be to beg in South Africa from door to door. I think that thereby we shall manage to get sufficient to feed and clothe us while we are out of jail. May I ask you also not to make any public appeal for funds? I have still about £300. These I am jealously guarding for emergencies.

Most of the settlers here including the womenfolk will join the struggle. The latter feel that they can no longer refrain from facing the jail no matter what it may mean in a place like this. Mrs. Gandhi made the offer on her own initiative and I do not want to debar her.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 7 June 1913 that I thoroughly understood why there was no letter from you. The cause of it grieved me much and I wished I was with you as your nurse. I am glad that you are much better now. India as a whole will never understand you fully and your energy being unapproachable excites jealousy. May you bear it well with a light heart? As your quack physician, I shall certainly want to know all about your health, diet, etc.

Polak I know has been writing to you regularly. I do not therefore wish to inflict a long letter on you. If you have the time, you will doubtless read this week’s Indian Opinion which reproduces the whole of the correspondence I have carried on with Mr. Fischer. The Unionists put up a spirited fight at first but they weakened in the end. Fischer’s information that the Imperial Government had accepted the measure as it stood did the trick. I can hardly believe that they could ever accept the Bill as drafted. If you have followed the debate as printed in the pages of I. O., you will have noticed that your name was very freely used by several speakers and that mostly to the advantage of our cause. Yes, the visit is bound to produce far-reaching results in many ways.

The Bill has been read a second time in the Senate. There may be some alterations made but I do not think there is enough fight left in W. P. Schreiner to carry all the amendments that are necessary to prevent a revival of the struggle. Have I told you that Mrs. Gandhi, Mrs. Doctor and the wives of Chhaganlal and Maganlal are joining the struggle? Pray do not disclose this just yet. Of course there are many men at the settlement who are joining this time. If the struggle comes, as seems almost certain, my return to India must stand indefinitely postponed.

Polak has now opened office. I have no anxiety about Ritch’s expenses. And Polak will presently find his own. The London Committee remittance has been stopped since March last. So that the only burden is I. O. and if the struggle revives, Medh’s1 family will have to be supported. Apart from this, there will be only the incidental current expenditure. Medh’s I would rather not beg in South Africa.

But the other expenses we either find here or do without. I am collecting steadily the amount to be placed at your disposal for the London Committee which I hope you will reorganize. If there is any deficit in the £600 to be collected for 3 years’ existence of the Committee, I have a promise from our friend Rustomjee2 that he will find it. I think that if anyone is reliable in South Africa, he certainly is. That reminds me of your cap and umbrella which I hope were safely delivered to you.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 20 June 1913 that the Bill is so bad that passive resistance is a necessity. By the time this is in your hands, some of us may be already in jail. I propose to go to Johannesburg next week and from there send a final letter to Mr. Fischer reciting our objections and asking him to meet them next year. If he gives a definite written promise that he would do so, the struggle will be suspended. There is very little hope that he would. But before I ask fellow-passive resisters to embark on what would undoubtedly be a very bitter and prolonged struggle, I want to adopt all legitimate methods that prudence may dictate to avert the misery that must result from a renewal of the struggle. These are the defects in the Bill:

(1) The Free State difficulty appears to remain and therefore

1 Indian Opinion, 21-6-1913, published an extended version of the communication. Lord Gladstone acknowledged it on June 17 and forwarded a copy to his Ministers. However, in reply to a telegram from Parsee Rustomjee on behalf of the Zoroastrian behalf of the Zoroastrian Anjuman, the Governor-General informed him that he had given his assent to the Bill the previous week.

(2) The existing rights are disturbed in that

(a) The right of appeal to the Supreme Court is modified.

(b) The right of the South African Indians to enter the Cape is taken away.

(d) The existing marriage position is considerably modified, though the amendment has eased the tension considerably. I have only just received the amended Bill by Mr. Schreiner’s favour. There may be other defects in it. I shall prepare a full statement to be sent to you next week. I am not explaining the above mentioned points, as I am anxious to spare you the trouble of having to read a long letter.

Now for your questions.

1. As you will have seen, the Bill has received the Royal assent.

2. Passive resistance will be resumed probably [at] the beginning of the next month.

3. In order to court imprisonment we will enter all the Provinces in disregard of the new Act and will refuse to show certificates or any other papers. Both educated and uneducated Indians will join the struggle.

4. So far as I can judge at present, 100 men and 13 women will start the struggle. As time goes, we may have more.

5. I do not expect to raise much cash but I do not anticipate any difficulty about getting sufficient food and clothing by begging. If we all go to jail, Kallenbach has undertaken to do the begging himself. He can be thoroughly relied upon to see that no family is starved so long he has life in him. If no funds arrive unasked from India or elsewhere, we shall perform our wanderings on foot, and no money will then be spent on telegrams and cables. Just at present Miss Schlesin does all the public work in Johannesburg but for her maintenance works elsewhere. I am raising a special fund for the London Committee to be placed at your disposal. I am also getting rid of other pecuniary burdens. Indian Opinion staff has been brought down to a minimum and they will be thrown on their own resources. Some of my private burdens are being found by Dr. Mehta.

6. The struggle is expected to last a year but if we have more men than I anticipate, it may close during the next session of the Union Parliament. We are making provision for an indefinite prolongation.

7. It is difficult to answer what amount will be required to see the community through the crisis. At the lowest calculation made by me, nothing in cash will be required. But as I get cash, I shall use it for ending the struggle quicker and for giving support to families and Indian Opinion. Some people from Natal and the Cape will certainly join the struggle.

My prayer to you is: Please do not worry about us, do not beg for funds publicly and do not injure your health for the cause. This prayer is selfish. I am anxious to meet you in the flesh in India, work under you and learn, may I say, at your feet, all I want to and must. In some things I want to be disillusioned if I am in the wrong and I want you to be disillusioned if I am in the right and we do not agree. I shall not misunderstand you if I do not receive any letters from you. But whenever you have time and health, I shall value your letters and advice. They would be a source of comfort.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 29 October 1913 that Polak keeps you informed of the progress of the struggle. I am marching out presently with the strikers in order to court arrest for ourselves. But this I write to ask you kindly to facilitate Polak’s residence in London. He can then do public work and manage the London Committee. After my withdrawal which will take place as soon as the settlement comes, he thinks that he would not be able to work efficiently in South Africa. I agree with him in this view. Mr. Dube has invited him to settle in London. This he can only do if he receives the support of some of the Pleaders in India who handle Privy Council cases. Polak as you know intends to practice as Privy Council Agent in London.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 27 February 1914 that For the time being I am at Cape Town watching the course of events. I do not want to inflict on you any news about the struggle. I shall be as brief as I possibly can. Mr. Andrews and Mr. Pearson are truly good men, we all like them very much. Sir Benjamin has disappointed us. He has hardly done any good and he may do a great deal of harm. He is weak and by no means sincere. Even now he has hardly grasped the details. And he undoubtedly, consciously or unconsciously, fosters divisions among us. Mr. Andrews will tell you all about him. But I thought that I should give you my impressions of Sir Benjamin. If there is a settlement in March, I propose to leave for India in April. I shall have with me probably about 20 men, women and children who will live with me. These will include the school children who are likely to come. I do not know whether you still want me to live at the Servants of India quarters in Poona or how. I shall be prepared to do so immediately after I have paid a visit to the members of my family. It is likely that the number living with me may be augmented by some members of my family who may wish to share my life and work. Please do not consider yourself bound to keep me at the Society’s quarters. I am entirely in your hands. I want to learn at your feet and gain the necessary experience. No matter whether I am staying somewhere under your guidance or not, I shall scrupulously observe the compact of silence for one year after my arrival in India. The vow of silence as I have understood it does not include the South African question and may be broken at your wish for furthering any project about which both of us hold the same view.

My present ambition you know. It is to be by your side as your nurse and attendant. I want to have the real discipline of obeying someone whom I love and look up to. I know I made a bad secretary in South Africa. I hope to do better in the Motherland if I am accepted. May you benefit in health by the change and the calmer atmosphere on the continent.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 1 April 1914 that I had your two cables. To the last one I am just now replying. I doubt whether Mrs. Gandhi will survive the settlement. I am writing this by her bed side. I have to be her doctor, nurse and everything. Then my brother’s death leaves the sole charge of five widows and their children in my hands. Dr. Mehta is just now paying the expenses of the others. To this he will, I do not doubt, add the maintenance of my brother’s widow. But she and the others are most naturally anxious to have me with them at the earliest possible moment. I would, therefore, grudge having to go to London unless you consider it absolutely necessary. If you do, I shall certainly come if Mrs. Gandhi dies or is better—so well, that is to say, as to permit of my being away from her, I suppose, at least for two months.

As I have already informed you, Indian legislation will not be undertaken before the reopening of the Union Parliament on the 22nd instant.

I know it is useless my asking you not to worry about me or my future. Wherever I may be placed in India I shall carry out my compact with you, viz., that I should observe absolute silence exception the South Africa question for one year at least after my landing in India and about everything else I have promised.

Gandhi wrote a letter to G. K. Gokhale on dated 5 June 1914 that I was thankful to receive your cable. Mrs. Gandhi is much better but still weak. If she comes I shall bring her with me & Mr. Kallenbach may also come so that he may say good-bye to his people and also be with me. If you will not allow me to be with you as your nurse, I would like to go away to India immediately after our consultation. As I do not know the state of your health I do not want to write a long letter though I feel tempted. I have, however, written1 to Sorabji & asked him to see you about what I have written to him if you are well. He will then take instructions from you.

The Indian Bill has passed through the first stage. It is quite satisfactory & I am about to have another interview with General Smuts about the other points. There is, therefore, every prospect of the struggle being finally closed. In that event I should leave for London about the middle of July & even earlier if I can.

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