For Global Peace with Social Justice in a Sustainable Environment

Asaf Ali and Mahatma Gandhi

Prof. Dr. Yogendra Yadav

Senior Gandhian Scholar, Professor, Editor and Linguist

Gandhi International Study and Research Institute, Jalgaon, Maharashtra, India

Contact No. – 09404955338, 09415777229

E-mail- dr.yadav.yogendra@gandhifoundation.net;

dr.yogendragandhi@gmail.com

Mailing Address- C- 29, Swaraj Nagar, Panki, Kanpur- 208020, Uttar Pradesh, India

Asaf Ali and Mahatma Gandhi

Asaf Ali (1888-1953); barrister and nationalist Muslim politician; took a leading part in the Khilafat movement. He was one of the associate of Mahatma Gandhi also. He discussed always with Mahatma Gandhi. I was sorry to hear of your illness. I hope you are now better if not quite restored. I thank you for your frank letter. I shall certainly take every step to see that there is no misunderstanding regarding the cow-slaughter resolution. I quite agree with you that no false hopes should be raised regarding the Mahomedan attitude on the point and that all propaganda on our (Hindus’) part among Mahomedans should be avoided. I am glad too that you have raised the moral issue and discussed it not on purely orthodox religious but on broad and humanitarian grounds. I would however say on the orthodox religious grounds that, when two great communities live side by side, the religious sense of the one demand a scrupulous regard for the practices of the other, so long as they are not immoral from a universal stand point. For instance I see nothing wrong in non-Muslims going to Mecca. But there is nothing immoral in your prohibiting non-Muslims from entering it. And as the sentiment of prohibition has grown during all these 1,300 years, I support it. So may it be for the Mahomedan regarding the cow-slaughter.

Now for the broad humanitarian ground: we shall probably have to agree to differ; your view point seems to be so different from mine. I consider that God has not created lower forms of animal life for man to use them as he will. Man realizes his highest station not by indulging but by abstinence. I have no right to destroy animal life if I can subsist healthily on vegetable life. I have no right to slaughter all animal life because I find it necessary to slaughter some animal life. Therefore if I can live well on goats, fish and fowl (surely enough in all conscience) it is sin for me to destroy cows for my sustenance. And it was some such argument that decided the rishis of old in regarding the cow as sacred, especially when they found that the cow was the greatest economic asset in national life. And I see nothing wrong, immoral or sinful in offering worship to an animal as serviceable as the cow so long as my worship does not put her on a level with her Creator. I immensely appreciate the idea (so emphasized by Islam) that special worship must be reserved for the Creator of us all. But I must not mix up cow-worship and cow-slaughter. If you accept the proposition that man is more man as he abstains more, you will have no difficulty in allowing that cow-slaughter is indefensible on moral grounds. I agree with you that so far as the economic ground is concerned, the slaughter for the Europeans is much the most important. In my opinion the cry against the Mahomedan slaughter on the Bakr Id is unbecoming so long as we Hindus remain dumb about the daily slaughter going on in the public abattoirs. We strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. 1

In any case, whatever it was it was perfectly natural, as you were working in most trying circumstances and at a time when you never knew what the next moment had in store for you. If I were similarly placed I would have done probably the same thing and thought of blaming everything and everybody. The statements which are now being issued will, I think, do some good, but I would like all such statements to be stopped now pending something definite and final from the President of the Congress. Can anything be done to stop these prosecutions? What does it matter whether a particular offence is cognizable or not? After all, if the parties concerned do not want any prosecutions, the police would be hard put to it to bring such prosecutions to a successful issue. I cannot help feeling with you that, if these prosecutions continue, we shall not be able to find true facts because, as you very properly say, those who know will be afraid to come near us. 2

Personally I am of opinion that picketing may not be suspended anywhere. But if the local Congress has committed itself to a suspension directly or indirectly, it must be carried out in any case and at any cost. Strict performance of promises is the essence of Satyagraha. 3 I do not at all mind your having sent it to the Press. You had a perfect right to send me that letter and I appreciate the frankness with which you have expressed your views. I am, as yet, unable to say anything on the present situation because I am still bed-ridden and have not been able to make an analytical study of it. I want you, however, to understand my fundamental difficulty which constitutes also my limitation. Nonviolence for me is not a mere experiment. It is part of my life and the whole of the creed of Satyagraha, non-co-operation, civil disobedience, and the like are necessary deductions from the fundamental proposition that non-violence is the law of life for human beings. For me it is both a means and an end and I am more than ever convinced that in the complex situation that faces India, there is no other way of gaining real freedom. In applying my mind to the present situation I must, therefore, test everything in terms of non-violence. 4

The Khan Brothers I find to be of a most retiring nature. They are disinclined to go anywhere for making speeches. What is the use then of my pressing them to go anywhere? You should, therefore, do the best you can without them. But Dr. Ansari will be presently in your midst though I do not like the idea of his exerting himself in the present state of his weakness. Why not ask Maulana Abul Kalam Azad? He ought to shoulder this burden and he is an effective speaker. I am glad that the atmosphere is clearing for you. I do hope that you will succeed. 5 You have done well in writing to me. I can drink in all the news you can give me about the deceased brother. He was nothing less to me. I have already written to Zohra and Zakir Husain about the details. I should receive their replies tomorrow or the day after. But you will now send me what they may not be able to. As to the memorial, I fear we can get nothing worthy just now. Even the little thing about Kamala is causing difficulty. Since Lalaji memorial I have discountenanced any memorials for big people like Dr. Ansari. I should wait for better times not materially but politically. Sardar who is here joins me in this view. 6

Many thanks for your letter. The propaganda you refer to is vicious. I am going to notice it in Harijan. As to the charges against me, it has been my lot for the past 50 years to be misunderstood. This last attack is not surprising. I shall, however, see what is to be done. Both the Congress and I will survive the venom. 7 As far as possible these days I write letters in Hindustani, either in Urdu or Devanagari script. The language is wholly mine. However, as my handwriting is difficult to decipher, I dictate the letters. I received your telegram yesterday after 5 p. m. I do not like your being ill. But you are brave and you have still to serve the country. You will leave the sick-bed. Keep on sending me news through someone. May God make you well soon? I hope to remain here till the end of the month. 8 You are an old and seasoned Congressman. I know how you stood in the estimation of the late lamented Hakim Saheb Ajmal Khan and Dr. Ansari and what value Maulana Abul Kalam Azad puts upon you, not to mention the many important Hindu and other friends you have. It is well therefore that the Interim Government of India has chosen you as its first Ambassador in America. India has a right to expect you to represent the combined culture India’s many religions represent. What is perhaps more, you will represent simple living and high thinking for which the National Congress stands, and of which you are a distinguished member. 9

Here is the letter I drafted, and a copy typed and signed. You make what use you like of it. May I suggest that if you have not, you should now pick up the Hindi and Urdu forms of Hindustani in both the scripts Devanagari and Urdu, Herewith the letters for Aruna and Jawaharlal? 10

Freedom has come but it leaves me cold. So far as I can see, I am a back number. I have come to the conclusion that our way was non-violent only superficially; our hearts were violent. It was enough to displace the foreign power. But the violence nursed within has broken out in a way least expected. Heaven knows where it will lead us. 11

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